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Read Ebook: The Constitutional Development of Japan 1853-1881 Johns Hopkins University Studies in Historical and Political Science Ninth Series by Iyenaga T Toyokichi
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Ebook has 177 lines and 18385 words, and 4 pages
INTRODUCTORY
THE CIRCUMSTANCES THAT GAVE RISE TO THE MOVEMENT
DISCUSSION BETWEEN THE PRINCE OF MITO AND THE TOKUGAWA OFFICIALS AT THE COURT OF YEDO
CONCLUSION OF TREATY BETWEEN THE UNITED STATES AND JAPAN
THE OLD PRINCE OF MITO, NARIAKI
II KAMON NO KAMI
BOMBARDMENTS OF KAGOSHIMA AND SHIMONOSHEKI
THE EFFECTS OF THE BOMBARDMENT
GREAT COUNCILS OF KUGES AND DAIMIOS.
CAUSES OF THE DOWNFALL OF THE SHOGUNATE
THE RESIGNATION OF THE SHOGUN
THE MOTIVE OF HIS RESIGNATION
THE GOVERNMENT OF THE RESTORATION
FOREIGN POLICY OF THE NEW GOVERNMENT
REMOVAL OF THE CAPITAL TO TOKIO
THE CHARTER OATH OF THE EMPEROR, APRIL 17, 1869
THE KOGISHO
MEMORIAL OF PRESIDENT OF THE KOGISHO
ABOLITION SCHEME OF SCHOLARS IS BACKED BY THE SOUTHERN DAIMIOS
MEMORIAL OF THE SOUTHERN DAIMIOS
IMPERIAL DECREE OF 1871, ABOLISHING FEUDALISM
CAUSES OF THE OVERTHROW OF FEUDALISM
JOHN STEWART MILL'S ENUMERATION OF THE SOCIAL CONDITIONS NECESSARY FOR THE SUCCESS OF REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT
JAPAN OF 1871 NOT YET READY FOR THE ADOPTION OF REPRESENTATIVE GOVERNMENT
POLITICAL ACTIVITY OF A NATION NOT ISOLATED FROM OTHER SPHERES OF ITS ACTIVITIES
JAPAN'S POLITICAL DEVELOPMENT GREATLY AIDED BY HER SOCIAL, EDUCATIONAL, INDUSTRIAL AND RELIGIOUS CHANGES
SKETCH OF THE DEVELOPMENT OF THESE NON-POLITICAL INSTITUTIONS FROM 1868 TO 1881
a. Telegraph b. Postal System c. Railroad d. Steamers and the Coasting Trade
CHANGES IN LAW AND RELIGION
LEADERS OF THE RESTORATION
EFFECT OF THE OVERTHROW OF FEUDALISM
THE IWAKURA EMBASSY
IWAKURA, ITO, INOUYE
FUKUZAWA
THE PRESS AND ITS INFLUENCES
RI-SHI-SHA AND COUNT ITAGAKI
MEMORIALS OF RI-SHI-SHA TO THE EMPEROR
ESTABLISHMENT OF LOCAL ASSEMBLIES
THE PROCLAMATION OF OCTOBER 12, 1881, TO ESTABLISH A PARLIAMENT IN 1890
INTRODUCTORY.
The power which destroyed Japanese feudalism and changed in that country an absolute into a constitutional monarchy was a resultant of manifold forces. The most apparent of these forces is the foreign influence. Forces less visible but more potent, tending in this direction, are those influences resulting from the growth of commerce and trade, from the diffusion of western science and knowledge among the people, and from the changes in social habits and religious beliefs. The truth of the solidarity of the varied interests of a social organism is nowhere so well exemplified as in the history of modern Japan. Her remarkable political development would have been impossible had there been no corresponding social, educational, religious, economic and industrial changes. In order to trace the constitutional development of New Japan, it is therefore necessary:
As a novice in travel marks the broad outlines, the general features and more important products of the country he visits for the first time, so I shall dwell upon the historic landmarks of Japanese constitutional development. This development no writer, native or foreign, has yet attempted to trace. I shall withstand as much as possible the temptation to refer to the multitude of events which are more or less associated with the constitutional movement. I shall endeavor to ascertain from the edicts, decrees, and proclamations of the Emperor, from the orders and manifestos of the Shogun, from the native authors and journals, from the memorials and correspondence of prominent men, both native and foreign, the trend of our constitutional development. I shall also endeavor to note the leading ideas and principles which, after manifesting themselves in various forms, have at last crystallized into the New Constitution of Japan.
BEGINNING OF THE CONSTITUTIONAL MOVEMENT.
The constitutional movement of Japan began in a spontaneous agitation of the whole body politic when the nation was irritated by the sudden contact with foreigners. The sense of national weakness added a force to this agitation. Had not the foreigners come, the Restoration might have been effected, feudalism might have been abolished, but the new Japanese constitution would hardly have seen the day. Had the government of Japan at the time of the advent of foreigners been in the strong hand of a Taiko or an Iyeyasu, the rulers might have been greatly exercised by the extraordinary event, but public opinion for reform would hardly have been called forth, and the birth of constitutional liberty would long have been delayed. As the vices of King John and the indifference and ignorance of the first two Georges of England begat the strength and hope of the English Parliament, so the public opinion of Japan sprouted out of the ruins of the Shogunate r?gime. We must therefore seek for the beginning of the Constitutional Movement of Japan in the peculiar circumstances in which she found herself between 1853 and 1868.
The advent of Commodore Perry in 1853 was to Japan like the intrusion of a foreign queen into a beehive. The country was stirred to its depth. Let us note what a native chronicler says about the condition of Japan at the arrival of Perry:
"It was in the summer of 1853 that an individual named Perry, who called himself the envoy of the United States of America, suddenly arrived at Uraga, in the Province of Sagami, with four ships of war, declaring that he brought a letter from his country to Japan and that he wished to deliver it to the sovereign. The governor of the place, Toda Idzu No Kami, much alarmed by this extraordinary event, hastened to the spot to inform himself of its meaning. The envoy stated, in reply to questions, that he desired to see a chief minister in order to explain the object of his visit and to hand over to him the letter with which he was charged. The governor then despatched a messenger on horseback with all haste to carry this information to the castle of Yedo, where a great scene of confusion ensued on his arrival. Fresh messengers followed, and the Shogun Iyeyoshi, on receiving them, was exceedingly troubled, and summoned all the officials to a council. At first the affair seemed so sudden and so formidable that they were too alarmed to open their mouths, but in the end orders were issued to the great clans to keep strict watch at various points on the shore, as it was possible that the 'barbarian' vessels might proceed to commit acts of violence. Presently a learned Chinese scholar was sent to Uraga, had an interview with the American envoy, and returned with the letter, which expressed the desire of the United States to establish friendship and intercourse with Japan, and said, according to this account, that if they met with a refusal they should commence hostilities. Thereupon the Shogun was greatly distressed, and again summoned a council. He also asked the opinion of the Daimios. The assembled officials were exceedingly disturbed, and nearly broke their hearts over consultations which lasted all day and all night. The nobles and retired nobles in Yedo were informed that they were at liberty to state any ideas they might have on the subject, and, although they all gave their opinions, the diversity of propositions was so great that no decision was arrived at. The military class had, during a long peace, neglected military arts; they had given themselves up to pleasure and luxury, and there were very few who had put on armor for many years, so that they were greatly alarmed at the prospect that war might break out at a moment's notice, and began to run hither and thither in search of arms. The city of Yedo and the surrounding villages were in a great tumult. And there was such a state of confusion among all classes that the governors of the city were compelled to issue a notification to the people, and this in the end had the effect of quieting the general anxiety. But in the castle never was a decision further from being arrived at, and, whilst time was being thus idly wasted, the envoy was constantly demanding an answer. So at last they decided that it would be best to arrange the affair quietly, to give the foreigners the articles they wanted, and to put off sending an answer to the letter--to tell the envoy that in an affair of such importance to the state no decision could be arrived at without mature consideration, and that he had better go away; that in a short time he should get a definite answer. The envoy agreed, and after sending a message to say that he should return in the following spring for his answer, set sail from Uraga with his four ships."
Thus was the renowned commander kept away for awhile. He went, however, of his own accord. Perry was an astute diplomatist. He knew that time was needed for the impressions which he and his magnificent fleet had made upon the country to produce their natural effect.
The news of Perry's visit and demands spread far and wide with remarkable rapidity. The government and the people were deeply stirred. Soon the song of the "red-bearded barbarians" and of the black ships was in everybody's mouth. The question "What shall Japan do when the barbarians come next spring?" became the absorbing theme of the day.
There was now but one of two policies which Japan could pursue, either to shut up the country or to admit the foreigners' demand. There was no middle course left. The American envoy would no longer listen to the dilatory policy with which the Japanese had just bought a few months' respite from anxiety.
The majority of the ruling class, the Samurai, were in favor of the exclusion policy. So was the court of Kioto. But the views of the court of Yedo were different. The court of Yedo had many men of intelligence, common sense and experience--men who had seen the American envoy and his squadron, equipped with all the contrivances for killing men and devastating the country. These men knew too well that resistance to the foreigners was futile and perilous.
Thus was the country early divided into two clearly defined parties, the Jo-i party and the Kai-Koku party.
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