Read Ebook: A General History and Collection of Voyages and Travels — Volume 04 Arranged in Systematic Order: Forming a Complete History of the Origin and Progress of Navigation Discovery and Commerce by Sea and Land from the Earliest Ages to the Present Time by Kerr Robert

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Bernal Diaz neglects to accommodate his readers with the very useful appendage of dates; it therefore may be proper to remark that the Spaniards entered the city of Mexico for the first time on the 8th November 1519; and as Cortes left it in the beginning of May 1520, in his march against Narvaez, he had now spent about six months in the capital of a mighty empire, with hardly 450 soldiers.--E.

The Bishop of Burgos, who was president of the council of the Indies, bore unlimited sway in that department of the Spanish government during the absence of the emperor in Flanders. Owing to the representations of Velasquez against Cortes, he sent orders to him to seize and make us all prisoners at every hazard, as rebellious subjects. Velasquez therefore fitted out a fleet of nineteen ships from the Island of Cuba, in which he embarked an army of fourteen hundred soldiers, eighty of whom were cavalry, eighty musketeers, and eighty crossbow-men, with twenty pieces of cannon, and all necessary ammunition and appointments, giving the command in chief to Pamphilo de Narvaez. Such was his animosity against Cortes and us for having thrown off our dependance upon him, that he made a journey of above seventy leagues from the Havanna on purpose to expedite the preparations. At this time, the royal audience of St Domingo and the brethren of the order of St Jerorimo, being satisfied of our loyalty and great exertions in the service of God and the emperor, sent over the oydor Lucas Vasquez de Aillon to Cuba, with positive injunctions to stop the sailing of the armament against us; but as Velasquez was confident in the support of the bishop of Burgos, he gave no heed to the orders communicated to him by Aillon, who therefore went along with the armament, that he might endeavour as much as possible to prevent injury to the public service by his mediation and influence, and be at hand if necessary, to take possession of the country for the emperor, in virtue of his office.

Narvaez arrived safe with his whole fleet in the harbour of St Juan de Ulua, except that he lost one small vessel during the voyage. Soon after his arrival, the soldiers who had been sent by Cortes to that part of the country in search of mines, went on board, and it is said gave thanks to God for being delivered from the command of Cortes and the dangers of the city of Mexico. Finding them in this mood, Narvaez ordered them to be plentifully supplied with wine, to make them more communicative. Cervantes the jester, who was one of these soldiers, under pretence of facetiousness, exposed to him all the discontents of our soldiers respecting the distribution of the treasure we had obtained, and informed him also of the bad state of the garrison in Villa Rica under Sandoval. The arrival of this new armament was soon communicated to Montezuma, who concealed the intelligence for some time from Cortes, and opened a private correspondence with Narvaez, to whom he sent many rich presents. Narvaez, in his correspondence with Montezuma, said every thing that was bad against Cortes and his troops, representing the whole of us as outcasts and robbers, and that the emperor, hearing of our evil conduct, and that we detained the great Montezuma in custody, had sent the present expedition for the express purpose of liberating him and putting us all to death. This intelligence gave great satisfaction to Montezuma, who thought we must necessarily be all destroyed, as he had got an exact account of their force represented to him in paintings: He accordingly transmitted very magnificent presents to Narvaez, and could ill conceal the satisfaction he had derived from the intelligence. Montezuma concealed the news of this armament from Cortes, who observed and was astonished at the alteration which it had produced on the kings manners and behaviour. At length however, from the circumstance of Cortes making him two visits in one day, Montezuma became apprehensive of the general procuring intelligence from any other quarter, and told him the news, pretending only to have just heard of it himself. Cortes expressed the utmost joy at the intelligence, and Montezuma shewed him the representations which had been transmitted to him, by which he learnt every thing he wished to know on the subject. He immediately left the king and communicated the intelligence to the troops, who got immediately under arms, and fired several vollies in token of our joy. We soon noticed, however, that Cortes was exceedingly pensive when alone, of which we could not divine the cause; till he soon afterwards convinced us, and explained that the armament was evidently designed against us; and he now, partly by promises and partly by gifts, as from his bounty of what was ours by good right, made interest with us to stand firmly by him in the approaching contest with Narvaez.

From what had been told him by Cervantes and our other deserters, Narvaez was induced to send a deputation to Sandoval, demanding him to surrender the port of Villa Rica. He appointed three persons on this errand, Guavera a clergyman of abilities, Amarga, a relation of Velasquez, and one Vergara, a scrivener. Sandoval had received information of the arrival of the armament, and prepared to defend his post, as he rightly guessed that it was destined to act against us. He sent off all his invalids to an Indian village at some distance, and exhorting his soldiers to stand by him, he erected a gibbet, and placed a guard on the road to Chempoalla. On the arrival of the deputation from Narvaez at Villa Rica, they were astonished to meet none but Indians, as Sandoval had ordered all the soldiers to remain in their quarters, and remained at home himself; they knew not well how to proceed, but at length guessing by the appearance of the house that it belonged to the governor, they went in. Guavera immediately began the conversation, by representing the greatness of the force under Narvaez, and its object, which was to arrest Cortes and all his followers as traitors, and concluded by summoning Sandoval to surrender himself and his post to general Narvaez. Sandoval was much displeased, and told him, if it were not for the protection of his holy function, he would punish his insolence in calling those traitors who were more faithful subjects than either Narvaez or his employer Velasquez. He desired him to carry his demand to Cortes at Mexico, who would settle the business with him at that place. Guavera insisted to execute the commission on which he was sent, and ordered the scrivener Vergara to produce the authority under which they acted. But Sandoval stopped him, saying, "I know not whether your papers be true or false; but if you attempt to read any here I will order you to receive a hundred lashes." On this, Guavera exclaimed, "Why do you mind these traitors? read your commission." Sandoval, calling him a lying rascal, ordered them all to be seized: On which a number of Indians, who had been previously instructed, came in and threw nets over them, and instantly set out with them on their backs for Mexico, to which they were carried post by relays of Indians, through the several large and populous towns by the way, with a rapidity that confounded them, hardly knowing whether they were alive or dead, the whole seeming as if done by enchantment. Sandoval sent Pedro de Solis to accompany them, by whom he wrote a hasty letter to Cortes, giving him an account of all he knew. When the general got notice of their arrival in Mexico, he ordered us all under arms, released them immediately from their trammels, and made an apology for the rudeness of Sandoval, whom he greatly blamed. He entertained them with great hospitality and respect, giving them plenty of gold, and sent them back in a few days as gentle as lambs, who had come out against him as furious as lions.

Our general was one whose resources were never exhausted, and it must not be concealed that his officers and soldiers supported him through all his difficulties by our valour in the field and our wisdom in council. On this occasion, we determined that it was proper to send letters to Narvaez and others of the new army, which they might receive previous to the return of Guavera. In these, we earnestly urged that no rash steps might be taken to endanger our general interest, by inciting the Indians to rise upon us; and held out every inducement of interest and friendship to the followers of Narvaez to bring them over to our party, not forgetting to treat secretly with such as we thought might be easiest wrought upon, as both Guavera and Vergara had informed Cortes that Narvaez was by no means on good terms with his officers, among whom gold well applied would work wonders. In his letters to Narvaez, Cortes adjured him by their former friendship, not to give encouragement to the Mexicans to rise and destroy us, seeing that they were ready to have recourse to any extremity to liberate Montezuma, whose dispositions were much altered for the worse since the arrival of this new armament, and the opening a correspondence between him and Narvaez. He was convinced, he said, that the expressions which Narvaez had been reported to use, could never have come from so wise a man, but must have been fabricated by such wretches as the buffoon Cervantes; and he concluded by offering an unlimited submission to the authority of Narvaez. Cortes wrote also to the secretary Andres de Duero, and Lucas Vasques the oydor, taking care to accompany his letters with valuable presents of gold. On receiving the letter from Cortes, Narvaez turned it into ridicule, handing it about among his officers, speaking of us all as traitors whom he would put to death without mercy. He declared he would cut off and eat the ears of Cortes, and a great deal of such braggart nonsense, and of course made no answer to the letters. Just at this time Father Olmedo arrived, bringing with him the private letters and presents. He went in the first place to wait upon Narvaez, intending to assure him that Cortes would be proud to serve under his command; but Narvaez would not listen to him, and did nothing but abuse both Cortes and him. He accordingly desisted from that part of his commission which related to an agreement with Narvaez, and applied himself to the distribution of presents among the officers with so much judgment and success, that he soon won over all the principal officers to our party. If the oydor Vasques was originally disposed to favour Cortes, he was entirely so on seeing the magnificent presents which were now distributed with so much liberality; which formed a striking contrast with the avarice of Narvaez, who used to enjoin his major domo to take heed that not a mantle were missing, as he had marked down every article committed to his charge. This penuriousness set all his officers against him, which he attributed to the intrigues of Vasques; and as there was a difference between them, because Narvaez neglected to inform him respecting every thing sent in by order of Montezuma, of which he ought to have been informed as oydor, an irreconcileable quarrel ensued; and depending on the favour of the bishop of Burgos, Narvaez caused the oydor to be arrested, and sent prisoner to Cuba or Spain, I know not which. But during the voyage, Vasques prevailed on the captain of the ship to land him in Hispaniola, where he so represented the treatment he had received to the Audience and the Jeronimites, that they complained to the council of Castile, but ineffectually, owing to the influence of the bishop of Burgos in favour of Narvaez. About this time too, a gentleman named Oblanco, made remonstrances to Narvaez respecting his violence, saying a good deal in favour of Cortes and his troops, with which Narvaez was so much offended that he threw him into prison; which Oblanco took so much to heart that he died three days after.

Soon after the arrival of Father Olmedo, Guevara and his two companions returned from Mexico, and launched out in praise of Cortes, reporting the many expressions of respect he had used in speaking of Narvaez; and, commending the services he had already performed to our emperor, they expatiated on the advantages which would result from uniting their forces, instead of fomenting a civil war. All this put Narvaez into such a rage that he refused to see them any more, and commanded them to be silent on this hateful subject. They carried their discourse therefore among their comrades; and when they saw how well furnished with gold these men had returned from Mexico, they began seriously to wish themselves in the army of Cortes.

Narvaez now quitted the coast with his army and took possession of the town of Chempoalla; immediately on his arrival seizing by force the young women who had been given to the officers of Cortes by their parents, with all the gold and mantles which had been left in the custody of the fat cacique along with the ladies, when we set out on our march to Mexico. When the cacique complained of this to Narvaez, and of the robberies committed by his soldiers, saying that Cortes and his soldiers conducted themselves in quite a different manner, a bragging fellow called Salvatierra exclaimed, "See what fear these Indians are in for the sorry fellow Cortes!" yet this boaster, who was so ready with his tongue, was the most cowardly wretch I ever beheld, when we came afterwards to attack the army of Narvaez. About this time, Narvaez transmitted to Cortes a copy of the commission he had received from the governor of Cuba, the particulars of which I shall detail hereafter. Cortes received regular intelligence of every thing done by Narvaez, partly from the friends he had made in the adverse army and partly from Sandoval, who now informed him that five persons of consideration had joined from the army of Narvaez, who alleged for their reason, that being the relations of the oydor Vasquez, who had met with such injurious treatment, they had little hopes of being themselves well used; and he added, that these persons said Narvaez meant very soon to march to Mexico against us. On this being made known to such of us as Cortes used generally to consult with, he agreed with us in opinion that it was advisable for us to march immediately against Narvaez and his army, leaving the command in Mexico with Alvarado; and we left under his charge all those men who were not inclined to be of the present hazardous expedition, and all whom we suspected to have an inclination for the party of Narvaez or Velasquez. We also left with Alvarado a sufficient supply of provisions, in case the Mexicans should refuse to supply him, and because the late harvest had been deficient, in consequence of too dry a season. Our quarters were strengthened by the addition of a good pallisade, and, besides four heavy guns, we left a garrison of eighty-three men, twenty-four of whom were armed with muskets or cross-bows: a very inadequate force, surely, for keeping the great and populous city of Mexico in awe.

Previous to our departure, Cortes paid a visit to Montezuma, who questioned him very anxiously about the difference between him and Narvaez, as both were vassals of the same sovereign, and desired an explanation of the charges which the new comers had made against us, that we were outcasts and traitors. He likewise asked if he could serve us in any way, expressing an apprehension of our safety, considering the great superiority under Narvaez. Cortes replied in a cheerful manner, that he had not sooner informed him of our intended departure, lest it might give him concern; that we certainly were all subjects to the same monarch, but that the report of our being traitors and fugitives was utterly false, as we had come into his country with full authority from our sovereign. As to the other party destroying us by their superiority in numbers, that did not depend on them, but on the will of our Lord and his holy mother, who would support us. He added, that our sovereign ruled over many different countries, the inhabitants of some of which were more valiant than those of others; that we were all true Castilians, while the commander of our opponents was a Biscayan, and his majesty would soon see the difference between us, as he trusted by the blessing of God to bring them all back as prisoners. He concluded by recommending in the strongest terms to Montezuma, to use his utmost endeavours to prevent any insurrection in the city during our absence; as, on his return, he would assuredly punish all in a most exemplary manner who behaved amiss. Montezuma promised to do every thing which Cortes required, and even offered to assist us with five thousand of his warriors, which Cortes politely declined, knowing indeed that the king had not that in his power, if he even wished to have done so. Then requesting Montezuma to cause due respect to be paid to that part of the great temple which had been consecrated to the Christian worship, he embraced Montezuma with much cordiality and took leave. He then called Alvarado and the garrison which was to remain in Mexico, all of whom he strictly enjoined to be extremely watchful, and to take special care not to allow Montezuma to escape; promising to make them all rich on his return, if he found they had done their duty. On this occasion of leaving Mexico, he left the clergyman Juan Diaz with Alvarado, and some other persons whose fidelity he questioned.

We began our march from Mexico in the beginning of May 1520, making our first halt at Cholula. From that place we sent a message to the senate of Tlascala, requiring them to assist us with four thousand of their warriors. They sent us twenty loads of fowls, saying that they were ready at any time to join us in war against Indians, but begged to be excused if we were marching against our own countrymen. At this time likewise, Cortes sent orders to Sandoval to join our little army with the whole of his garrison that was fit for duty, at a place named Tampinequeta or Mitalaquita, twelve leagues from Chempoalla. We marched in regular order without baggage, having always two confidential soldiers in advance about a days journey, who were directed not to keep the main road, but to go always by those in which cavalry could not march, and whose especial business was to inquire for intelligence respecting the motions of Narvaez, which they were to communicate without delay to Cortes. When we had proceeded a considerable way on our march, one of our advanced parties fell in with four Spaniards belonging to the army of Narvaez, who were bringing to Cortes a copy of his commission and instructions as captain-general in New Spain. On being brought to the general, they saluted him respectfully, and he immediately dismounted in order to hear what they had to say. Alonzo de Mata, who was at the head of the deputation, produced his papers and began to read them; but Cortes stopt him short, demanding if he were a royal notary; as in that case, by shewing his commission, he would be implicitly obeyed, but if he had no such authority, he certainly would not be allowed to read any pretended orders. "The commands of his majesty," said Cortes, "I shall submit to with the utmost humility; but, I desire that the original may be produced." Mata was confounded at these words, as he held no office whatever under the crown, and was entirely at a loss how to proceed. But Cortes relieved him from his embarrassment, telling him our destination, and that he was ready to receive any message from his general, of whom he always spoke with great respect, but would listen to no orders that were not sanctioned by the royal authority. We halted for some time at this place, and Cortes had some private conferences with these agents of Narvaez, with whom he used such powerful arguments that he made them his firm friends. They returned to Chempoalla, quite loud in their praises of Cortes, crying up his generosity to the skies, and made a magnificent report of the riches of our soldiers, many of whom had ornaments of gold on their arms, and some of them gold chains and collars about their necks.

Next day, Sandoval joined with the garrison of Villa Rica, to the number of about seventy men, with whom came the five Spaniards who had deserted from Narvaez, who were very graciously received by Cortes. Sandoval reported that he had sent two of his soldiers, a little time before into the quarters of Narvaez, who went disguised like Indians, having each a load of fruit for sale, and their complexions so completely resembled the natives that they were never suspected. They went immediately to the quarters of the braggart Salvatierra, who gave them a string of yellow beads for their fruit, and sent them to cut grass for his horse on the banks of a small rivulet. They brought home the last load of grass in the evening, and having fed the horse, they remained about the place till night, listening to the conversation of Salvatierra, whom they heard observing to some of his companions, how luckily they had come at the present moment to deprive the traitor Cortes of the 700,000 crowns which he had obtained from Montezuma. When it was dark, our disguised soldiers got privately out of the house, and took away Salvatierras horse with the saddle and bridle, and meeting another horse by the way, which happened to be lame, they brought it along with them. Cortes laughed heartily at this exploit; and we learned afterwards that Salvatierra gave much amusement to the soldiers of Narvaez, by his absurd behaviour on discovering the trick which had been played upon him.

Shortly afterwards, Narvaez sent for Olmedo, who requested to speak with him in private; when he told him good-humouredly that he knew his intentions of making him a prisoner, in which he was much to blame, as there was no one whatever more devoted to his service, and he knew that there were many persons with Cortes, who would gladly see their commander delivered up to his excellency; in proof of which he had a letter which Cortes had written at the suggestion of these very persons who wished to deliver him up; which letter was so full of ridiculous absurdities that he was frequently tempted to throw it away, but would now with his permission lay it before him. He accordingly went, as he pretended for the letter, which he alleged was with his baggage, but in reality to bring Duero and others along with him, that they might witness its delivery. In order to contrive an interview with Cortes, Duero proposed that a communication should be opened between Narvaez and him; and Augustin Bermudez, a secret friend of Cortes, proposed that Duero and Salvatierra should be sent on this business, well knowing the character of Salvatierra to be disinclined to any such employment. It was at last settled that Duero should wait upon Cortes, and invite him to a conference with Narvaez at a convenient place between the two armies, where they might treat of an accommodation and arrange their future measures: And it was resolved that Narvaez should make him prisoner at the conference, for which twenty of his most confidential soldiers were prepared. Duero carried intelligence immediately to Cortes, and Father Olmedo remained at the quarters of Narvaez, having scraped acquaintance with Salvatierra, under pretence of relationship, with whom he dined every day.

On first learning the arrival of Narvaez, Cortes sent one of his soldiers named Barrientos, who had served in Italy and was well acquainted with the management of the pike, to the province of the Chinantlans, who had lately entered into alliance with us. That nation used lances or pikes much longer than ours, having heads of sharpened stone, and Barrientos was directed to obtain 300 of these lances for our use. There was plenty of excellent copper in the country of the Chinantlans, and Barrientos was directed to get two heads of this metal for each lance, and these were executed so ingeniously that they were better made even than the pattern sent. He also obtained a promise of 2000 warriors of that nation to join us, who were to be armed in the same manner, but they did not arrive till after we had overcome Narvaez. All this being settled, Barrientos arrived at our quarters attended by 200 Chinantlans carrying the lances he had procured. On trial these were found excellent, and we were immediately exercised in their use. A muster was now made of our force, which amounted to two hundred and six men, including fife and drum, with five mounted cavalry, two artillery-men, few cross-bows, and fewer musketeers. This being the force, and such the weapons, with which we marched against and defeated the vastly superior army of Narvaez.

I have formerly mentioned that the secretary Duero and the contador Lares had negociated the appointment of Cortes as general of our expedition, and that they were to enjoy equal shares with him in all the treasure he should acquire. Lares was some time dead, and Duero seeing how wealthy Cortes had become, used the colour of the proposed treaty between Narvaez and Cortes, in order to have an opportunity of an interview with Cortes, that he might remind him of their agreement. Cortes not only promised faithfully to perform his engagement, but promised him an equal command with himself, and an equal share of territory when the conquest of the country was completed. It was accordingly agreed upon between them, in concurrence with Augustin Bermudez, who was alguazil-major of the army of Narvaez, and many other officers whom I do not name, to get Narvaez put out of the command in favour of Cortes. In order to confirm these in his interest, and to gain over others, Cortes was more liberal than ever in his presents, and on the present occasion loaded the two Indians who attended on Duero with gold. On one of the days of intercourse, after Cortes and Duero had been a considerable time together in private, and had dined, Duero asked him on mounting his horse to go away, if he had any farther commands. To this Cortes replied, "Remember what has been settled between us, or if you don't, I shall be in your quarters before three days, and you shall be the first person at whom I will throw my lance." Duero answered laughing, that he would not fail, and immediately set off for the quarters of Narvaez, where he is reported to have said that Cortes and all his men were ready to submit to the command of Narvaez. Soon after this, Cortes sent for Juan Velasquez de Leon, a person of much consideration, who had always been greatly attached to him, though a near relation of the governor of Cuba. On coming to his quarters, Cortes addressed him in smooth and persuasive terms, which he could always assume at pleasure:--"Duero has informed me that Narvaez is anxious to see you at his quarters, and that it is generally believed I am completely ruined if you go there. Now my worthy friend, I desire you to put on your gold chain, mount your grey mare, take all your gold along with you and more which I will give you; go immediately and fix yourself with Narvaez, and distribute the gold which I confide to you according to my directions." Velasquez was perfectly willing to do as he was desired, but objected to the measure of carrying his own treasure along with him, and after a secret conference with Cortes he set out for Chempoalla. De Leon arrived there by day-break, and as the Indians were rejoiced to see him, the news soon reached Narvaez, who came out to meet and embrace him. After paying his compliments, Velasquez said his only object there was to endeavour to make an amicable arrangement between Narvaez and Cortes; upon which Narvaez took him aside and asked him how he could propose to treat for such a traitor? Velasquez desired that no such injurious epithet might be used in his presence, as Cortes was a most zealous and faithful officer. Narvaez then offered to make him second in command under himself if he would renounce Cortes; but Velasquez declared he would never quit one who had done such signal services for God and the emperor.

Velasquez dined next day with Narvaez, where a captain in his army who was nephew to the governor of Cuba happened to be, who used very insulting language respecting Cortes. On this Velasquez requested of Narvaez, that such insulting language might not be allowed in his hearing; but the other gentleman continued his abuse, and even took great liberties with Velasquez himself; who, laying his hand on his sword, asked permission from Narvaez to chastise that base liar. The other officers who were present interfered to prevent mischief, and advised both Velasquez and Olmedo to retire. Velasquez accordingly mounted his excellent grey mare, in his helmet and coat of mail, with his gold chain about his shoulders, and took leave of Narvaez, who returned his salute with apparent coldness. The young captain was again very violent in his abuse; on which Velasquez swore by his beard, that he should see in a few days what stuff he was made of. Then, taking a hasty leave of the bystanders, he put spurs to his good grey mare and was soon out of sight, as he had some hint or suspicion that Narvaez might send after him, and even saw some horsemen following him apparently for that purpose, but he was too well mounted for their pursuit.

In about two hours after Velasquez had left our camp to visit Narvaez, the drum beat to arms, and our little army set forwards on our march for Chempoalla. We killed two wild hogs on our way, which our soldiers considered as a good omen of our ultimate success. We halted for the night on the side of a rivulet, having the ground for a bed, stones for our pillows, and heaven for our canopy, and arrived next day at the place where the city of Vera Cruz is now built, which was then an Indian village in a grove of trees. Being mid-day and the weather extremely sultry, we stopped here for rest and refreshment, being much fatigued by the weight of our lances and armour. While here, a report was brought from one of our out-posts that some horsemen were in sight, who turned out to be Velasquez and Olmedo, who were received by Cortes, and all of us with much joy, and we all came round them to hear the news. Velasquez told Cortes in what manner he had executed his commission and distributed the presents among the officers of Narvaez. Then our merry Father Olmedo gave an account by what finesse he had persuaded Narvaez to read our letter; how he had made the foolish braggart Salvatierra believe they were cousins, and of the ridiculous bravadoes he uttered, as how he would kill Cortes and all of us in revenge for the loss of his horse; then how he had prevailed on Narvaez to turn out his troops in review, merely to laugh at him; and in all these stories he mimicked Narvaez and Salvatierra most admirably, so that we laughed and enjoyed ourselves as if going to a wedding-feast, though we well knew that on the morrow we must conquer or die, having to attack five times our number. Such is the fortune of war! After the heat of the day was over, we proceeded on our march, and halted for the night at a river about a league from Chempoalla, where there is now a bridge and a dairy farm.

All things being arranged, we remained waiting the order to march, and reflecting with much anxiety on what was before us. I was stationed at an advanced post, where soon afterwards a patrole came to me, asking if I had heard any thing, to which I answered that I had not. A corporal came up to my post soon after, who said that Galleguillo, the deserter from Narvaez, was missing, and was suspected of having come among us as a spy, for which reason Cortes had given orders to march immediately. The drum was soon heard beating for us to fall in, and the captains were calling over their companies. We joined the column, and soon after found the missing soldier sleeping under some mantles to relieve his fatigue, as he had not been accustomed to hardships. We marched on at a quick pace, and in profound silence, and on arriving at the river, surprised the two videts of Narvaez, one of whom we made prisoner, and the other flying into the town before us, spread the alarm of our approach. Owing to rain the river was deeper than usual, and the ford was difficult to pass, from loose stones and the weight of our armour. Carrasco the videt, whom we had taken, exclaimed to Cortes, "Do not advance, Senior Cortes, for Narvaez and all his force is drawn out to receive you." We proceeded, however, with all expedition, and on coming to the town, heard the other man who had escaped giving the alarm, and Narvaez calling on his officers to turn out. Our company was at the head of the column; and rushing on with charged lances, we soon made ourselves masters of the guns, the artillery-men having only time to discharge four, one only of which took effect, and killed three of our men. Our whole force now advanced, and brought down seven of the enemies cavalry; but we could not for some time quit the guns, as the enemy kept up a smart discharge of musketry and arrows from the quarters of Narvaez. Sandoval and his company pressed forwards to climb the steps of the temple, in which attempt he was resisted by the enemy, with musketry, partizans, and lances, and was even forced down six or seven steps. At this time, seeing that the artillery was no longer in danger of being rescued, our company, with Captain Pizarro at their head, went to the assistance of Sandoval, when we jointly made the enemy give ground in their turn; and at this critical moment I heard Narvaez crying out, "Santa Maria assist me! they have slain me, and beat out one of my eyes!" On hearing this we shouted out, "Victory! victory! for the Espiritu Santo! Narvaez is dead!" Still we were unable to force our way into the temple, till Martin Lopez, who was very tall, set the thatch on fire, and forced those within to rush down the steps to save themselves from being burnt to death. Sanches Farfan laid hold on Narvaez, whom we carried prisoner to Sandoval, along with several other captive captains, continually shouting, "Victory! victory! Long live the king and Cortes! Narvaez is slain!"

While this was going on with us, Cortes and the rest of our army were engaged with some of the enemy who occupied some other lofty temples. When the cause of our shouts was understood, Cortes notified to them the fall of their commander, proclaiming that all who did not instantly submit should be put to death; yet those who were in the temple, commanded by Diego Velasquez and Salvatierra would not submit, till Sandoval with half of our body, and the captured guns, forced his way into the temple and made them all prisoners. Sandoval now returned to take charge of Narvaez, who was doubly ironed; and we now, had in custody besides him, Salvatierra, Diego Velasquez, Gamarra, Juan Yuste, Juan Buono, and many other principal persons. At this time Cortes came in unobserved, extremely fatigued; and addressing Sandoval, said it was impossible to describe the labour he had experienced; then asked, "What has become of Narvaez?" Sandoval told him that Narvaez was here safe. Cortes then said, "Son Sandoval, keep good watch over him and the other officers." After which he hastened away, and caused proclamation to be made, that all should lay down their arms and submit. The whole of this happened during the night, during which there were frequent showers, with intervals of moon-shine; but at the moment of attack it was extremely dark, with multitudes of fire flies, which the soldiers of Narvaez mistook for the lighted matches of our musketry. Narvaez was badly wounded, and had one of his eyes beaten out, on which account he requested to send for Master Juan the surgeon; and while he was getting his eye dressed Cortes entered the room, when Narvaez said to him: "Senior Cortes! thank your good fortune for having made me your prisoner." Cortes answered, That his thanks were due to God and his valiant soldiers, who had succeeded in more difficult achievements since they came to New Spain; and he considered the arrest of the royal oydor was more daring than our present attack. He then left the room, with strict injunctions to Sandoval to keep strict guard. Narvaez and the rest of the captured officers were removed into a more secure apartment, where I and some other confidential soldiers were appointed for their guard, and Sandoval gave me a private order to allow no one to speak with Narvaez.

The reinforcement of warriors which Cortes had been promised from Chinantla, marched into Chempoalla soon after the conclusion of the action, under the command of Barrientos, who had marshalled them in a very shewy manner, in regular files, lancemen and archers alternately, 1500 in number, accompanied with colours, drums, and trumpets, and making a most warlike appearance, to the great astonishment of the soldiers of Narvaez, who thought they were double the number. Our general received them with much courtesy, and as their services were no longer needed, he made them handsome presents, and dismissed them with thanks.

The army of Narvaez being now secured, Cortes sent F. de Lugo to order all the captains and pilots of the fleet to come to Chempoalla, and directed all the ships to be dismantled, to cut off all communication with Cuba. One Barahona, afterwards an inhabitant of Guatimala, had been confined by Narvaez, and was now set at liberty, who was in a very weak state when he joined us. The captains and pilots of the fleet came on shore to pay their respects, and Cortes bound them all by oath not to leave him, appointing Pedro Cavallero, one of their number, admiral of the whole fleet now in his possession; and, as more ships were expected from Cuba, gave him orders to dismantle them all as they arrived, and to send the captains and pilots to head-quarters. All these important matters being arranged, and his authority completely established, Cortes proceeded to such measures as seemed proper for extending and securing the conquest and discovery of New Spain. For this purpose, Velasquez de Leon was appointed to conduct an expedition to the river of Panuco, with 220 soldiers, 20 of which were taken from among ourselves, and 100 from the soldiers of Narvaez: And was to be accompanied by two ships, on purpose to extend the discovery of the coast. Diego de Ordas, was appointed with a similar force, to establish a colony in the province of Guacocualco, or Coatzacualco; and as that country was well adapted for breeding cattle, he was directed to send to Jamaica for horses, mares, bulls, and cows, for the purpose of establishing an independent supply in the country. All the prisoners were released, except Narvaez and Salvatierra, who still had the pain in his stomach. Cortes also gave orders to restore all their horses and arms to the soldiers of Narvaez, which gave us all much dissatisfaction, but we were obliged to submit. On this occasion I had to resign a good horse with a saddle and bridle, two swords, three daggers, and a shield. Avila and Father Olmedo, speaking on this subject to Cortes, said he resembled Alexander the Great, who was always more generous to the vanquished, than to his own conquering soldiers. Indeed as fast as Cortes received gold or other valuables, he gave away all to the captains of the other army, quite forgetful of us who had made him what he was. Cortes protested that he and all he had was entirely devoted to our service, as he would shew by his future conduct; but that his present procedure was necessary for our common interest and safety, we being so few, and the others so numerous. Avila, who was of a lofty disposition, remonstrated in an imperious manner, and Cortes was forced to dissemble with him at the time, knowing him to be a brave man; he pacified him therefore with presents and flattering promises, to prevent any violence, but took care in future to employ him in distant business, as his agent first in Hispaniola, and afterwards in Spain.

There happened to come over in the army of Narvaez, a negro who was ill of the small-pox, a most unfortunate circumstance for the people of New Spain, as the disease spread with astonishing rapidity through the country, and destroyed the natives by thousands, as they used to throw themselves into cold water in the height of the disease, with the nature of which they were utterly unacquainted. Thus multitudes of unfortunate souls were hurried into eternity, without an opportunity of being received into the bosom of the holy Catholic church. At this time, such of our soldiers as had been in distant garrisons, applied to Cortes to receive their shares of the gold which had been got in Mexico. As far as I can remember, he referred them to a place in Tlascala, desiring that two persons might be sent to receive it at that place; and I shall have occasion to mention the result hereafter.

No such place is to be found in the map of Clavigero, nor in that recently published by Humbolt.--E.

These numbers, as arranged for the attack on Narvaez, only amount to 230 men. At the occupation of Mexico the Spanish army is said to have been about 450, besides the garrison of Villa Rica. Eighty-three men are stated to have been left in Mexico under the command of Alvarado, which would still leave 367 to march under Cortes for Chempoalla, to which 70 being added from Villa Rica under Sandoval, would raise the amount of the army now under Cortes to about 437 men, so that about 207 are unaccounted for in the arrangement for the attack, besides Ordas, and other eminent captains are not now mentioned in the text. We may, therefore, reasonably conclude, that these captains and the unaccounted for remaining force of Cortes, were left at the ford of the river, about a league from Chempoalla, as a rear guard, on which to retreat in case of a defeat, or may have formed a main body for the assault.--E.

This victory of Cortes over Narvaez took place on the 26th May 1520.--E.

The wheel of fortune is ever in motion, evil following closely upon good. This was strongly exemplified with us at this time, as our late successes were speedily followed by melancholy news from Mexico by express, informing us that an insurrection had broke out in that city, that Alvarado was besieged in his quarters, which the natives had set on fire, after killing seven of his men and wounding many; for which reason Alvarado earnestly entreated immediate succour. It is not to be expressed how much this news afflicted us all. In consequence of this distressing intelligence, Cortes countermanded the expeditions which were to have marched under De Leon and De Ordas, and determined upon an immediate forced march to Mexico. We left Narvaez and Salvatierra as prisoners at Villa Rica, under the charge of Roderigo Rangel, who was likewise directed to collect all the stragglers, and to take care of the invalids, who were numerous: Just as we were ready to march, four principal nobles arrived from the court of Montezuma, who made a heavy complaint against Alvarado, who had assaulted them while dancing at a solemn festival in honour of their gods, which had been held by his permission, and stating that they had been constrained to take up arms in their own defence, during which seven of the Spanish soldiers were slain. Cortes made them a short answer, saying that he would shortly be at Mexico, when he would make proper inquiry and set all to rights, with which answer they had to return to Montezuma, who was much displeased with the insulting tone in which it was given, more especially as a great number of his subjects had been killed by Alvarado. Before commencing our march, Cortes made a speech to the soldiers of Narvaez, exhorting them to forget all past animosities, and not to let the present opportunity be lost of serving both his majesty and themselves; and by way of inducement, gave them a magnificent picture of the riches of Mexico, to a participation in which their faithful conduct would entitle them. They one and all declared their resolution to obey his orders, and to proceed immediately to Mexico, which they would hardly have agreed to if they had known its strength, and the numerous martial population of that city.

We arrived at Tlascala by very long marches, where we were informed that the Mexicans had made incessant attacks on Alvarado, until Montezuma and they received intelligence of the defeat of Narvaez; after which they had desisted, leaving the Spaniards in great distress, owing to excessive fatigue from their continual exertions, and much in want of water and provisions. At Tlascala, Cortes made a general muster and inspection of our army, which now amounted to thirteen hundred men, of whom nearly an hundred were cavalry, and a hundred and sixty armed with muskets and crossbows. We were here joined by two thousand Tlascalan warriors, and marched from hence to Tezcuco, where we were very ill received, every thing bearing the appearance of disaffection.

On St John's day, 24th of June 1520, we again entered Mexico, where we met with a very different reception from what we had experienced on our former entry, on the 8th November 1519, seven months and a half before. Not one of the nobles of our acquaintance came now to meet us, and the whole city seemed to have been deserted by its inhabitants. On entering our quarters, Montezuma advanced to embrace Cortes, and to congratulate him on his victory; but our general turned from him with disdain, and would neither speak to him nor listen to his address, on which the king returned to his apartment much cast down. Cortes made inquiry into the causes and circumstances of the late commotion, from all of which it was evident that it had neither been instigated nor approved by Montezuma; as if he had chosen to act against our garrison, they might all have been as easily destroyed as only seven. Alvarado said, that the Indians were enraged at the detention of their sovereign, and by the erection of the cross in their temple; and that when they went, as they said by order of their gods, to pull it down, all their strength was unable to move it from its place; and that Montezuma had strictly enjoined them to desist from all such attempts. In justification of himself, Alvarado alleged that the friends and subjects of Montezuma had planned the attack upon him for the liberation of their sovereign, at the time when they believed Cortes and his army had been destroyed by Narvaez: And being questioned why he had fallen on the Mexicans, while holding a festival in honour of their gods, he pretended that he had intelligence of their hostile intentions from a priest and two nobles, and thought it safest to be beforehand with them. When pressed by Cortes to say whether the Mexicans had not asked and obtained his permission to hold that festival, he acknowledged it was so, and that he had fallen upon them by anticipation, that he might terrify them into submission, and prevent them from going to war with the Spaniards. Cortes was highly displeased with the conduct of Alvarado, and censured him in the strongest terms.

Alvarado alleged that during one of the attacks of the Mexicans on his quarters, he had endeavoured to fire off one of his guns and could not get the priming to take fire; but sometime afterwards, when they were in great danger, the gun went off of itself and made prodigious havock among the enemy, who were thus miraculously repulsed, and the Spaniards saved from inevitable destruction. He said also, that the garrison being in great distress for water, they sank a pit in one of the courts, when immediately a spring of the sweetest water sprung up. I know that there was a spring in the city which often produced tolerably fresh water. Glory be to GOD for all his mercies! Some alleged that Alvarado was excited to this attack by avarice, in order to plunder the Indians of their golden ornaments during the festival; but I am satisfied his attack proceeded from a mistaken idea of preventing insurrection by terror. It is certain, that even after the massacre at the temple, Montezuma used every endeavour to prevent his subjects from attacking our people: but they were so enraged that nothing could restrain their eager thirst for vengeance.

During our march, Cortes had launched out to the new comers in warm eulogiums on the riches of Mexico, the power and influence which he had acquired, and the respect and obedience of the Mexicans, filling them with promises and expectations of enjoying gold in abundance. From the negligent coldness of his reception in Tezcuco, and the similar appearances in Mexico, he became vexed, disappointed, and peevish; insomuch, that when the officers of Montezuma came to wait upon him, and expressed the wishes of their master to see him, Cortes exclaimed angrily: "Away with the dog, wherefore does he neglect to supply us." The captains De Leon, De Oli, and De Lugo, happening to be present on this occasion, entreated him to remember the former kindness and generosity of the Mexican sovereign, and to treat him with moderation. This only seemed to irritate Cortes so much the more, as it appeared to censure his conduct, and he indignantly answered: "What obligations am I under to the wretch, who plotted secretly against me with Narvaez, and who now neglects to supply us with provisions?" The captains admitted that this ought to be done, and Cortes being full of confidence in the great military power he now commanded, continued a haughty demeanour to the Mexican noblemen who still waited his pleasure. Turning therefore to them, he desired them to tell their master, that he must immediately order markets to be held, and provisions to be supplied for his troops, or to beware of the consequences. These lords understood the general import of the injurious expressions which Cortes had used against Montezuma, and made a faithful report to him of all that passed. Whether it may have proceeded from rage on account of these opprobrious expressions against their sovereign, or from a plan previously concerted to fall upon us, I know not, but within a quarter of an hour, a soldier dangerously wounded came running into our quarters, and reported that the whole people were in arms against us. This man had been sent by Cortes to bring over to our quarters the daughter of Montezuma and other Indian ladies, who had been left under the charge of the cacique of Tacuba, when we marched against Narvaez. He was returning with these ladies, when the people attacked him in great numbers on the causeway of Tacuba, where they had broken down one of the bridges, and had once seized him, and were forcing him into a canoe to carry him off to be sacrificed; but he extricated himself by a violent effort, and got away with two dangerous wounds.

Cortes immediately ordered out a detachment of 400 men under Ordas, to see what was the matter, and to endeavour to pacify the people; but he had hardly proceeded the length of a street, when he was assailed by immense numbers of the natives, some in the street, and others from the terraced tops of the houses, who killed eight of his men on the first discharge of missiles, and wounded mostly the whole of his men, himself in three places. Finding it impossible to proceed, Ordas retreated slowly towards our quarters, and soon after lost another soldier, who did astonishing feats of valour with a two-handed sword. The streets were so crowded with enemies, and we were so incessantly attacked in front and rear, and from the roofs, that for a long while he was unable to force his way. Neither the effect of our fire-arms, nor the most efficacious use of our other arms could deter the natives from closing in upon us hand to hand, and foot to foot; but at length Ordas forced his way back, having lost in all twenty-three of his men. Our quarters were attacked by prodigious multitudes at the same moment that the attack on Ordas began, and they poured in such incessant discharges of missile weapons, that they soon wounded above forty-six of our men, of whom twelve afterwards died. Even after the retreat of Ordas, the enemy continued their attacks, and at length set fire to various parts of the buildings forming our quarters, thinking to burn us alive or to stifle us with smoke; and we were reduced to the necessity of tearing down some parts of the building, and to throw earth upon other parts, to extinguish the fire. All the courts and open places of our quarters were thickly strewed with arrows, stones, and darts, which had been thrown at us; and we were occupied the whole day and night, in repelling the incessant assaults, repairing the breaches in our defences, dressing our wounds, and preparing for future assaults. At dawn of the ensuing morning, we sallied out with our whole force, determined to conquer or to impress them with respect. The Mexicans met us with the utmost resolution, and though we fought almost in despair, their numbers were so immense, and they continually brought up such strong reinforcements of fresh troops, that even if we had all been Hectors or Orlandos, we could not have forced them to give ground. It is quite impossible to give any adequate idea of the obstinacy and violence of this battle. Though in every reiterated charge we brought down thirty or forty of the enemy, it had no effect, as they returned upon us with more violence and desperation than before; our musketry and cannon made no impression that was not instantly replaced; and if at any time they gave ground, it was only to draw us farther from our quarters, to make our destruction more sure. In the midst of all this, the stones and darts which were launched upon us from the terraces of the house tops did us astonishing injury. Some of our soldiers who had been in the wars of Italy declared, that neither among Christians or Turks, nor even in the French artillery, had they ever seen such desperate fighting as now among these Indians. We were at length forced to retreat to our quarters, which we reached with infinite difficulty, after losing ten or twelve of our men killed, and almost every one of us severely wounded.

After the death of Montezuma, Cortes sent two of our prisoners, a nobleman and a priest, with a message to the new sovereign Cuitlahuatzin, to inform him of the melancholy event, which had happened by the hands of his own subjects; to express our grief on the occasion; and our wish that Montezuma might be interred with that respect which was due to his exalted character. Cortes likewise informed these messengers, that he did not acknowledge the right of the sovereign whom the Mexicans had chosen, as the throne ought to belong to the son of the great Montezuma, or to his cousin, who was now a prisoner in our quarters. He desired them also to say, if they would desist from hostilities, we would immediately march out of their city. He then ordered the body of Montezuma to be carried out by six nobles, and attended by most of the priests whom we had taken prisoners, desiring them to deliver the body of their deceased monarch to the Mexican chiefs, according to his dying injunctions. We could hear the exclamations of sorrow which were expressed by the people, at the sight of the body of their late sovereign; but our message was unavailing, as they recommenced their attack on our quarters with the utmost violence, threatening that in two days we should all pay with our lives for the death of their king and the dishonour of their gods, as they had now a sovereign whom we could not deceive as we had done by the good Montezuma.

Our situation was now exceedingly alarming, and on the day after the death of Montezuma, we made another sally towards that part of the city which contained many houses built on the firm ground, meaning to do all the injury we could, and, taking advantage of the causeway, to charge through the enemy with our cavalry, hoping to intimidate them by severe military execution, so as to induce them to grant us a free passage; we accordingly forced our way to that part of the city, where we burnt down about twenty houses, and very nearly reached the firm land. But the injury we did the enemy was dearly purchased by the death of twenty of our soldiers, and we were unable to gain possession of any of the bridges, which were all partly broken down, and the enemy had constructed barricades or retrenchments in various places to obstruct the cavalry, wherever they could have done most essential service. Thus our troubles and perplexities continually increased, and we were forced again to fight our way back to our quarters. In this sally, which took place on a Thursday, Sandoval and others of our cavalry acted with great bravery; but those who came with Narvaez, not having been accustomed to such service, were timorous in comparison with our veterans. The number and fury of our enemies increased daily, while our force was diminished by each successive attack, and from our wounds we were become less able for resistance. Our powder was almost entirely expended; provisions and water became scarce; our friend Montezuma was no more; all our proposals for peace were rejected; the bridges by which we might have retreated were broken down; and in fine nothing but death in its direst form of immolation to their horrible idols appeared before us. In this state almost bordering on despair, it was resolved by Cortes in a consultation with all his confidential officers and soldiers, to make an attempt to quit the city during the night, as we were in expectation to find the enemy less upon their guard than in the day time. In order to deceive them, a message was sent by one of their chief priests who had been made prisoner, engaging to give up all the treasure in our possession, if they would give us permission within eight days to quit the city. Four days before this, one Botello, who pretended to be an astrologer, predicted that if we did not leave Mexico on this very night, that none of us would ever get out of it alive, adding many other foolish particulars to his prophecy.

Our wounds had become extremely painful from cold, and want of proper dressings, and we now bound them up as well as we could. We had to deplore the loss of great numbers of our valiant companions, most of the soldiers of Narvaez having lost their lives by being overloaded with gold. Poor Botello the astrologer was killed among the rest. The sons of Montezuma, Cacamatzin who had been prince of Tezcuco, and all the other prisoners, among whom were some Mexican princes, lost their lives on this fatal night of our retreat from Mexico. All our artillery were lost. We had only twenty-three horses remaining, and very few crossbows; and our situation was melancholy and desperate in the extreme, having no other resource but to endeavour to reach Tlascala, and even there our reception was exceedingly uncertain. After dressing our wounds, and making arrows for our crossbows, during which employment we were incessantly harassed in our present post, we proceeded at midnight on our march, under the direction of our faithful Tlascalans. Some of those who were badly wounded had to walk with the aid of crutches; others were assisted on each side by some of their companions; and those who were utterly unable to support themselves were placed upon lame horses. Thus, making head against the enemy with as many of the infantry as could bear arms, and having the cavalry who were able to act in front and on our flanks, with the wounded Spaniards and allies in the centre, we marched on continually harassed by the enemy, who reviled us, saying that we should soon meet our destruction; words that we did not then understand. I have forgot to mention the satisfaction we all enjoyed at finding Donna Marina and Donna Luisa had been saved in our retreat from Mexico. Having crossed among the first, they had been brought safe to Popotla by the exertions of two brothers of Donna Luisa, all the rest of the female Indians having been lost in the retreat.

On this day we reached a large town named Gualtitlan. From that place we continued our march, still harassed at every step by the enemy, whose numbers and boldness increased as we advanced, insomuch that they killed two of our lame soldiers and one of our horses at a difficult pass, wounding many both of our horses and ourselves. Having repulsed them, we reached some villages, where we halted for the night, making our supper of the slain horse. We began our march very early next morning, and had only proceeded about a league, believing ourselves now almost in safety, when three of our videts came in with a report that the whole extent of a plain through which we must necessarily pass was covered over by an innumerable army. This intelligence was truly terrifying to our small numbers, worn out with fatigue and privations, and covered with wounds; yet we resolved to conquer or die, as we had indeed no other alternative. We were immediately halted and formed in order of battle, the infantry being directed to use their swords only in thrusts, by which we exposed ourselves less to the weapons of the enemy, and the cavalry were ordered to charge clear through at half speed, with their lances levelled at the faces of the enemy, never stopping to make thrusts. While recommending ourselves to God and his Holy Mother, and invoking the aid of St Jago, the enemy began to close around us, and we resolved to sell our lives dearly, or force our way through. The infantry being drawn up in a solid column, and our cavalry formed in bodies of five, we proceeded to the attack. It is impossible to describe the tremendous battle which ensued: How we closed hand to hand, and with what fury the enemy attacked us, wounding us with their clubs and lances and two-handed swords; while our cavalry, favoured by the even surface of the plain, rode through them at will with couched lances, bearing down the enemy wherever they came, and fighting most manfully though they and their horses were all wounded. We too of the infantry did our best, regardless of our former wounds and of those we now received, closing up with the enemy, and using every effort to bear them down with our swords. Cortes, Alvarado, and De Oli, though all wounded, continued to make lanes through the throng of the enemy, calling out to us to strike especially at the chiefs, who were easily distinguished by their plumes of feathers, golden ornaments, rich arms, and curious devices. The valiant Sandoval encouraged us by his example and exhortations, exclaiming, "Now is the day of victory! Trust in God, who will still preserve us to do him service." We were all resolute to conquer or die, and were assuredly assisted by the Lord Jesus Christ, the Holy Virgin, and St Jago; as was afterwards certified by a chief belonging to Guatimotzin, who was present in this battle. Though some were killed and many wounded, we continued to maintain our ground, yet the enemy never relaxed in their efforts. At length it was the will of God, that Cortes, accompanied by Sandoval, De Oli, Alvarado, Avila, and other captains, came up to that part of the enemy in which their commander-in-chief was posted, who was distinguished from all the rest by his rich golden arms, and highly adorned plume of feathers, and the grand standard of the army. Immediately on Cortes perceiving this chief, who was surrounded by many nobles wearing plumes of feathers, he exclaimed to his companions, "Now, gentlemen, let us charge these men, and if we succeed the day is our own." Then, recommending themselves to God, they charged upon them, and Cortes struck the Mexican chief and threw down his standard, he and the other cavaliers effectually breaking and dispersing this numerous body. The Mexican chief, however, was making his escape, but was pursued and slain by Juan de Salamanca, who seized his rich plume of feathers and presented it to Cortes, saying, that as he had first struck the Mexican general and overthrown the standard, the trophy of the conquest was his undoubted right.

It pleased God, that the enemy should relax in their efforts immediately on learning the death of their general and of the numerous chiefs who surrounded him. On perceiving that they began to retreat, we forgot our hunger, thirst, fatigue, and wounds, and thought of nothing but victory and pursuit. Our scanty cavalry followed them up close, dealing destruction around them on every side; and our faithful allies fought like lions, mowing down all before them with the arms which the enemy threw away to facilitate their flight. On the return of our cavalry from the pursuit, we gave humble thanks to God for our unexpected victory and miraculous preservation. Never had the Mexican empire collected together so large a force as on this occasion; being composed of all the warriors of Mexico, Tezcuco, and Tlalcopan, headed by the whole nobility of these nations, magnificently armed and adorned, and all determined not to leave a single trace of us upon earth. This great and decisive battle was fought in the neighbourhood of a place called Obtumba, Otumba, or Otompan. I have frequently seen it, and all the other battles we fought against the Mexicans, antecedent to the final conquest, admirably represented in Mexican paintings. It is now proper to mention, that we entered Mexico to relieve Alvarado on the 24th of June 1520, with upwards of 1300 soldiers, including 97 cavalry, 80 musketeers, and 80 armed with crossbows; having with us a great train of artillery, and 2000 warriors of our allies the Tlascalans. Our flight from Mexico was on the 1st of the succeeding month of July, and the battle of Obtumba on the 4th of that month. In Mexico, during our passage of the causeway, on our march, and in the battle, we lost above 870 soldiers, including 72 of those belonging to Narvaez, and five Spanish women, who were put to death at a place called Tustepeque. Upwards of 1200 of our Tlascalan allies were also killed; as were Juan de Alcantara and two more who had been sent from Chempoalla for the share of the gold assigned to the garrison of Villa Rica, who were robbed and murdered. Upon the whole, all who were concerned in the treasure came to bad fortune; and thus a much greater proportion of the soldiers of Narvaez perished in the flight from Mexico than of our veterans, as they had avariciously loaded themselves with gold on that unhappy night.

We are not writing the history of the conquest of Mexico, yet may be allowed to say that Cortes committed a gross military error, in entering Mexico without establishing a strong communication of posts between that insulated city and the land, along one of the causeways; which he might easily have done along the shortest causeway of Tacuba or Tlacopan, or by the aqueduct of Chapoltepec.--E.

It is to be noticed that the lake in which the city of Mexico was built contained water so salt as to be unfit for drinking.--E.

This prince, whom Diaz names Coadlavaca, was brother to Montezuma, prince of Iztapalapan, and Tlachcocoatl, or grand general of the Mexican army.--E.

The expression in the text, of having nearly reached the firm land, is rather obscure, and may possibly mean that they had nearly forced their way along one of the causeways leading from the insular city to the continental shore of the lake.--E.

Tlaltelulco was the name of that division of the city of Mexico through which the Spaniards marched in their way towards the causeway of Tacuba, and was probably used to summon the inhabitants of that quarter to the attack.--E.

This place is about nine miles W.N.W. from Mexico, and only about a mile and a half from Tacuba. Its Mexican name, according to Clavigero, was Otoncalpolco. It is almost in an opposite direction from the road to Tlascala, but was probably chosen on purpose to avoid the populous hostile vale of Mexico, and to get as soon as possible among the hills, and among some of the conquered tribes who bore the Mexican yoke with impatience. Clavigero says that the Spaniards procured at this place some refreshments from a tribe of Otomies, who inhabited two neighbouring hamlets.--E.

The distance from where they now were to Tlascala was between 80 and 90 miles in a straight line; but as they chose a very circuitous route, by the west and north of the lakes in the vale of Mexico, before turning south-eastwards to Tlascala, their march must have much exceeded that distance.--E.

Named Quauhtitlan by Clavigero, and Guautitlan, Huauhtitlan or Teutitlan, in Humboldts map of the Vale of Mexico.--E.

Cortes entered Mexico with above 1300 men, and there were there under Alvarado about 75. Of these above 870 were slain, down to the close of the battle of Otumba; so that about 500 still remained under the command of Cortes. Diaz reckons only 440; but these were probably exclusive of such as were entirely disabled from service by their wounds.--E.

At this time Cortes was informed from Villa Rica, that a vessel had arrived there commanded by Pedro Barba, his intimate friend, who had been lieutenant to Velasquez at the Havanna, and had now brought over thirteen soldiers and two horses; as also letters from Velasquez to Narvaez, ordering to send Cortes, if alive, to Cuba, that he might be sent to Castile, such being the orders of the bishop of Burgos. On the arrival of Barba in the harbour, the admiral appointed by Cortes went on board in a boat well armed, but with the arms concealed. When on board, the admiral saluted Barba, inquiring after the health of Velasquez, and the others inquired for Narvaez, and what had become of Cortes. They were told that Narvaez was in possession of the country, and had acquired great riches, while Cortes was a fugitive, wandering about with only twenty followers. They then invited Barba and the rest on shore; but the moment they entered the boats, they were ordered to surrender themselves prisoners to Cortes. The ship was dismantled, and the captain and crew, together with Barba and his men, sent up to us at Tepejacac, to our great satisfaction; for though we did not now suffer much in the field, we were very unhealthy from continual fatigue, five of our men having died of pleurisies of late. Francisco Lopez, afterwards regidor of Guatimala, came along with this party. Barba was kindly received by Cortes, whom he informed that another small vessel might be expected with provisions in about a week. It came accordingly, having on board Roderigo de Lobera, with eight soldiers and a horse. These were circumvented like the others, and sent up to us, by which we were much pleased to procure an accession to our small force.

About this period, Cuitlahuitzin, who had been elected sovereign of Mexico in place of his brother Montezuma, died of the small-pox, and Quauhtemotzin, or Gautimotzin, was chosen in his stead, a young man of twenty-five years of age, of fine appearance, exceedingly brave, and so terrible to his subjects that every one trembled at his sight. On receiving notice of the reduction of Tepejacac, he became apprehensive of losing his other provinces, yet neglected no precautions to preserve the chiefs in their obedience, and sent considerable bodies of troops to the provinces nearest to where we were, to watch our motions. But these Mexican troops injured the cause they were sent to support, becoming very disorderly, plundering and maltreating the people whom they were sent to defend, or to keep under subjection. Provoked by these injuries, the ruling people of these provinces deputed four chiefs to negociate with Cortes, offering to submit to him, provided he would expel the Mexicans. Cortes immediately acceded to this proposal, and detached all the cavalry and crossbow-men of our army under De Oli, with as many of our other infantry as made up a force of 300 men, to which a considerable number of Tlascalan allies were joined. While our people were on their march, they received such formidable accounts of the number and force of the enemy, as entirely deprived the soldiers of Narvaez of all inclination for military expeditions. They mutinied, and told De Oli that, if he were determined to persevere, he might go alone, for they were resolved to quit him. De Oli remonstrated with them in vain, though supported by all the old soldiers of Cortes, and was compelled to halt at Cholula, whence he sent word to Cortes of his situation. Cortes returned an angry answer, ordering him to advance at all events. De Oli was now in a violent rage at those who had occasioned this reprimand from the general, and ordered the whole to march immediately, declaring he would send back all who hesitated, to be treated by Cortes as their cowardice deserved. On his arrival within a league of Guacacualco, he was met by some of the native chiefs, who informed him how he might best come upon the enemy. He accordingly marched against the Mexican forces, whom he completely defeated and put to flight, after a sharp action, in which eight of our men were wounded, and two horses killed. Our allies made a great slaughter of the Mexicans during the pursuit. The Mexicans fell back to a large town called Ozucar, where they joined another great body of their countrymen, who fortified themselves in that post, and broke down the bridges. De Oli pursued with as many of his troops as could keep up with him; and having passed the river by the assistance of his friends of Guacacualco, he again attacked the Mexicans, whom he again defeated and dispersed, losing two more of his horses. He received two wounds himself on this occasion, and his horse was wounded in several places. He halted two days after his double victory, receiving the submission of all the neighbouring chiefs, after which he returned with his troops to Segura de la Frontera. De Oli was received with applause by Cortes and all of us; and when we laughed at him for the hesitation of his men, he joined with us heartily, saying he would take the poor soldiers of Cortes on the next expedition, and not the rich planters who came with Narvaez, who thought more of their houses and estates than of military glory, and were more ready to command than to obey.

Being thus unexpectedly reinforced by upwards of an hundred and fifty men, and twenty horses, Cortes determined to chastise the Indians of Xalatcingo, Cacatame, and other towns near the road to Villa Rica, who had been concerned in the murder of those Spaniards who had been sent from Villa Rica for the treasure. For this purpose he sent a detachment of two hundred veterans, among whom were twenty horsemen, and twelve armed with crossbows, under the command of Sandoval, who had likewise along with him a strong detachment of Tlascalans. Being informed that the Indians of that district were in arms, and reinforced by Mexican troops, Sandoval sent a message, offering pardon for the murder of the Spaniards, if they would submit to our government, and return the treasure. Their answer was, that they would eat him and all his men, as they had done the others. Sandoval, therefore, immediately marched into their country, and attacked them in two places at once, and though both the natives and the Mexicans defended themselves with great bravery, they were soon defeated with considerable loss. On going into some of their temples after the victory, our people found Spanish cloths, arms, saddles, and bridles, hung up as offerings to their gods. The inhabitants of this district submitted themselves to his majesties government, but were unable to return the treasure, as it had been sent to Mexico. Sandoval remained three days in this district receiving the submission of the inhabitants, whom he referred to Cortes for their pardon, and then returned to head-quarters, carrying a number of women and boys along with him, who were all branded as slaves. I was not on this expedition, being ill of a fever, attended with a vomiting of blood; but, being bled plentifully, I recovered by the blessing of God. In pursuance of orders from Sandoval, the chiefs of these tribes and of many others in the neighbourhood, came to Cortes and submitted themselves to his authority. Sandoval was sent in the next place to chastise the inhabitants of a district called Xocotlan, who had murdered nine Spaniards, having with him an hundred infantry, thirty cavalry, and a strong body of Tlascalans. On entering the district, he summoned the people to submission under the usual threats; but, as they had a considerable body of Mexican forces to aid them, they returned for answer, that they would acknowledge no other government than that of Mexico. Sandoval, therefore, put his troops in motion, cautioning the allies not to advance to the attack till the enemy were broken by our troops, and then to fall upon the Mexicans especially. Two large bodies of the enemy were found posted in strong and rocky ground, very difficult for our cavalry, insomuch, that before Sandoval could drive them from this post, one of his horses was killed, and nine wounded, as likewise were four of his soldiers. They were at length driven from this post into the town of Xocotlan, where they took post in the temples and some large walled courts; but were dislodged from these and put to flight with great slaughter, our Tlascalan allies giving good assistance, as they were incited by the hopes of abundant plunder. Sandoval halted two days in this place, to receive the submission of the chiefs, who begged pardon for what had passed, promising future obedience, and to supply us plentifully with provisions. On being ordered to restore the effects of the Spaniards whom they had slain, they replied that every thing of that kind had been burnt. They said, likewise that most of the Spaniards whom they had slain were eaten by them, except five, whom they sent to Guatimotzin.

These expeditions were productive of the best effects, as they extended the fame of Cortes and the Spaniards through the whole country for valour and clemency; and our general became more dreaded and respected than Guatimotzin, the new sovereign of Mexico, insomuch that his authority was resorted to on all occasions of importance. The small-pox at this time committed dreadful ravages in New Spain, cutting off vast numbers of the natives, and among the rest, many of the chiefs and princes of the country became victims to this dreadful calamity. On these occasions, the claimants for succession to the vacant chiefships resorted to Cortes, as sovereign of the country, for his decision, which they uniformly submitted to. Among the rest, the lordship of Guacacualco and Ozucar became vacant, and the various claimants submitted their claims to the decision of Cortes, who decided in favour of a nephew of the late Montezuma, whose sister had been married to the former cacique of the district.

All the country around Tlascala and to the eastwards being now reduced to subjection, an order was issued to bring all the prisoners to a large house in the town of Segura, that the fifths belonging to the king and Cortes might be deducted, and the rest divided among the troops. The prisoners consisted of women, boys, and girls, as the men were found too difficult to keep, and our Tlascalan friends performed every service for us that we could desire, such as carrying our baggage, ammunition, and provisions, and all other drudgery. The prisoners were confined all night, and the repartition took place next morning. In the first place the king's fifth was set aside, and then that which belonged to Cortes; but when the shares of the soldiers came to be distributed, there remained only a parcel of old miserable jades, and it was found that some person had been in the depot during the night, who had taken away all the young and handsome women. This occasioned much clamour among the soldiers, who accused Cortes of injustice, and the soldiers of Narvaez swore no such thing had ever been heard of in the Spanish dominions as two kings and two fifths. One Juan de Quexo was very loud in his complaints on this occasion, declaring that he would make it known in Spain how we had been abused by Cortes, more especially in regard to the gold at Mexico, where only the value of 300,000 crowns appeared at the division, whereas 700,000 crowns worth were produced at the time of our flight. Many of the soldiers loudly complained of having their women taken from them, after they had given them clothes and ornaments, saying they had only expected to have paid the fifth of their values to the king, and then that each would have got back his own. Cortes protested that better regulations should he adopted in future, and got the affair hushed up with smooth words and fair promises; yet he soon attempted even worse than this. It may be remembered, that, on the fatal night of our retreat from Mexico, all the treasure was produced, and every soldier was allowed to take as much as he pleased. On this occasion, many of the soldiers of Narvaez, and some of our own, loaded themselves with gold. Cortes now learned that a quantity of gold in bars was in circulation among the troops at La Frontera, who were much engaged in deep play, and forgot the old adage, that riches and amours should be concealed. He now issued an order for all the gold to be delivered within a given time, under severe penalties for disobedience, and promised to return back a third part to all who delivered their gold, but that all should be forfeited in case of failure or evasion. Many of the soldiers refused obedience to this arbitrary order, and from some Cortes took their gold by way of loan, yet rather by force than with their consent. Many of our captains, and those who had civil offices in the colony, were possessed of gold, and at length Cortes was glad to quash the order and say no more about the matter.

Having now determined to undertake the siege of Mexico, Cortes left a garrison of twenty men, mostly sick and invalids in Frontera, under the command of Juan de Orozco, and marched with the rest of the army into the country of Tlascala, where he gave orders to cut down a quantity of timber, with which to construct a number of vessels to command the lake of Mexico. These ships were to be built under the direction of Martin Lopez, an excellent shipwright, and a valiant soldier, in which he was assisted by Andres Nunez, and old Ramirez, who was lame from a wound. Lopez conducted matters with great spirit, insomuch that in a very short time he had all the timber cut down, shaped, and marked out for the vessels, ready to be put together. The iron work, anchors, cables, sails, cordage, and all other necessaries for the vessels were procured from Villa Rica, whence all the smiths were sent up to the army to give their assistance. As pitch was unknown among the natives, four sailors were sent to the pine forests of Huetzotzinco, to obtain a supply of that article, in which they succeeded.

On our arrival at Tlascala, we learnt that our good friend and faithful ally Maxicatzin had fallen a sacrifice to the small-pox. Cortes lamented the death of this good man as that of a father, and put on mourning out of respect to his memory, in which he was imitated by many of our officers and soldiers. As there was some difficulty in regard to the succession, Cortes conferred the vacant dignity on the legitimate son of the deceased chief, as he had desired a short time before his death, on which occasion he had strictly enjoined all his family and dependents to persevere in their alliance with us, as we were undoubtedly destined to rule their country according to their ancient traditions. The other chiefs of the Tlascalans offered their best services, in providing timber for our vessels, and engaged to aid us with all their military force in prosecuting the war against Mexico. Cortes accepted their offer with every mark of gratitude and respect; and even prevailed on the elder Xicotencatl, one of their principal caciques, to become a Christian, who was accordingly baptised with great ceremony, by the name of Don Lorenzo de Vargas.

Just as we were about to begin our march, intelligence came from Villa Rica of the arrival of a vessel from Spain and the Canaries, loaded with military stores, horses, and merchandize, and having thirteen soldiers on board. The owner, who was likewise on board, was one Juan de Burgos, but the vessel was commanded by Francisco Medel. Cortes sent immediate orders to purchase the whole cargo, and all the people came up to join us to our great satisfaction. Among these were one Juan del Espinar, afterwards a very rich man, and two others named Sagredo, and Monjaraz a Biscayan, who had two nephews of the same name in our army. Monjaraz never went upon any expedition or engagement along with us, always feigning to be sick, though he omitted no opportunity to boast of his courage. Once, while we were besieging Mexico, he went up to the top of a high temple, as he said to see how the natives fought; and by some means which we could never find out, he was killed that day by some of the Indians. Those who had known him in Hispaniola, said it was a just judgment, for having procured the death of his wife, a beautiful and honourable woman, by means of false witnesses.

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