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Preliminary Observations, 13

The Armenian Church, 18 Sabbatarianism of this Church, 30 Ancient Christians of India, 33 Their Sabbatarian Character, 39 The Ethiopic Church, 40 Its Sabbatarian Character, 54

Waldenses, Albigenses, etc., 62 Their Doctrinal Sentiments, 69 Testimonies to their Sabbatarian Character, 70 Their Persecutions, 84 Further Accounts of their Sabbatarianism, 88 Semi-Judaisers--their Origin, 95 Their Sabbatarianism, 97 Their Churches in Russia, Poland, 99 Sabbatarians of Holland, 103 Sabbatarians of England, 107 The Natton Church, 114 The Cripplegate Church, 118 The Mill-Yard Church, 122

General History, 130 Churches in Rhode Island, 145 Churches in Connecticut, 162 Churches in New Jersey, 166 Central Association, 174 Western Association, 190 Southwestern Association, 198 Northwestern Association, 202

Keithian Seventh-day Baptists, 211 German Seventh-day Baptists,--General History, 215 German Seventh-day Baptists,--Particular History, 233

PRELIMINARY OBSERVATIONS.

The word Sabbatarian, whether bestowed by their enemies as a term of opprobrium upon those who observed the seventh day of the week as the Sabbath, or whether assumed by themselves, is, nevertheless, peculiarly appropriate, and very distinguishing of this particular tenet in their system of religious faith. Neither do we hesitate to employ it in a very extensive sense, as comprehending all those religious communities, whatever may be their names, modes of worship, or forms of ecclesiastical discipline, who refrain from secular employments upon the last day of the week, and observe the same as holy time. There cannot, therefore, be any impropriety in considering the Abyssinian and Armenian Churches as sabbatarian organizations, although the former has become greatly corrupted in worship and doctrine, and exhibits few traces of the purity and simplicity of primitive Christianity.

We claim for sabbatarian institutions a very high antiquity, and a multitude of the most illustrious exemplars; from that grand sabbath proclaimed over the new-born world by the Eternal Father, and observed by angelic and seraphic intelligences, to its second ordainment amid the smoke and thunders of Sinai, and its subsequent observance by kings, priests, sages, and witnesses for the truth through so many ages, to Him, the Great High Priest of the Covenant, who sanctified the law and made it honourable. It is incontestable that our adorable Lord and his Apostles observed the seventh day of the week, and it was not until a long time subsequent to the close of their earthly pilgrimages that the reverence due to this holy time was transferred, in any Christian community, to the Dominical day.

The first Christian church established in the world was founded at Jerusalem under the immediate superintendence of the Apostles. This church, which was the model of all those that were founded in the first century, was undoubtedly sabbatarian. In the second and third centuries, according to the testimony of Mosheim, it was very generally observed. During the fourth and in the commencement of the fifth centuries, it was almost universally solemnized, if the veracity of Socrates, the ecclesiastical historian, may be depended upon.

We have every reason to believe, however, that from the first, or, indeed, at a very early period, a superstitious veneration was paid in some places to the first day of the week. It is certain that, before the close of the first century, the original purity and simplicity of Christianity had become greatly defaced and deplorably corrupted by the introduction into its doctrines of the monstrous tenets of a preposterous philosophy, and into its ceremonies of a multitude of heathen rites. Identical with this was the appointment of various festivals to be observed on particular days. These days were those on which the martyrs had laid down their lives for the truth, the day on which the Saviour had been crucified, and that also on which he rose from the dead. We have no reason to suppose that the observation of the first day dates back any earlier than that of Friday, or those anniversary festivals which were introduced to commemorate the descent of the Holy Ghost upon the Apostles, and the feast of Easter. All were the fruits of as dark, fabulous, and superstitious times, as have ever been since the resurrection of Christ. It seems to have been the policy of the rulers of the church at this period, to assimilate Christianity in its rites and festivals to the manners of Paganism, and in its doctrines to the tenets of a corrupt yet seducing philosophy. For such a course of conduct various reasons may be assigned. In the first place they were pleasing to the multitude, who were more delighted with the pageantry and circumstance of external ceremonies, and the frequency of holidays, than with the valuable attainments of rational and consistent piety, or with a sober and steady course of life.

In the second place, we have reason to believe that the bishops augmented the number of the religious ceremonies and festivals in the Christian worship, by way of accommodating it to the prejudices and infirmities of both Jews and heathens, in order to facilitate their conversion. These people were accustomed to a round of pompous and magnificent ceremonies in their religious service; and, as they deemed these rites an essential part of religion, it was natural for them to regard with indifference, or even with contempt, any service whose forms were divested of all specious and captivating appearances. As their religion allowed to them a multitude of festivals, the bishops supposed, and not without reason, that they persisted in their idolatry on account of the ease, pleasure, and sensual gratifications thereby enjoyed, consequently the rulers of the church adopted certain external ceremonies, and appointed festivities, in order to allure the senses of the vulgar, and to make them more disposed to embrace Christianity. The effect of this course of conduct was most pernicious. It effaced the beautiful simplicity of Christianity, and corrupted its natural purity in order to extend its influence; thus making it lose that practical excellence for which no popular esteem could ever afford compensation. It may be allowable, it may even be commendable, to accommodate ecclesiastical as well as civil institutions, in certain cases, to the infirmities of mankind, and to make some concessions, some prudent instances of compliance to their invincible prejudices, but all these should be of such a nature as not to derogate from the majesty of the divine law, or to substitute for the ordinances of God the observances and institutions of fallible men.

The multiplication of festivals and holidays would naturally bring the Sabbath into neglect, but what contributed more than anything else to destroy its influence over the minds of men, was the almost universal abhorrence in which the Jews were held. We are informed that multitudes of Christians, in the time of Adrian, abandoned all the rites and institutions of their religion that bore any resemblance to the Jewish ritual, for fear of being confounded with that people, who had become obnoxious to the prince, and were suffering the extremity of his vengeance. "Let us have nothing in common with that odious brood, the Jews," says Constantine, when issuing his edict for the observation of the Dominical day. Subsequently, the sabbath was condemned for the same reasons by synods and councils; popes and kings rose up in judgment against it. Perhaps they feared also that its observation would remind the people of that sacred volume, which the prelates chose, for their own convenience, to keep from the world, and in which their condemnation, as followers of the most detestable vices, would be so strongly marked. Moreover they were determined, in the plenitude of their arrogance, to give laws in both a temporal and spiritual sense; to govern the consciences as they ruled the actions of mankind. Nor was this all, some of these prelates actually aspired to stand, at least in the eyes of the multitude, in the place of God,--to divert the adoration, which should be paid to him, to themselves, or to the relics they had blessed, and the saints they had canonized. Would not the observation of the sabbath have tended to recall the minds of men to the Maker of all things, as the only true and proper object for religious adoration; to the fact that he alone was the moral governor of the universe; his laws the standard of perfection; himself of infallibility? History presents numerous examples of kings and tyrants, who have assumed the attributes of Deity, and demanded the homage of mankind; but, perhaps, a more impious imitation of his power, a more blasphemous assumption of his prerogatives, were never exhibited than in the conduct of these hierarchs. Did God appoint one mediator between himself and man,--behold the saints they canonized; did he bestow the Scriptures as his revealed will upon the world,--behold the canons of the church in which their authority is superseded; and did he institute and command the observation of the seventh day as a day of rest,--they substitute an other in its place. The Sabbath is reprobated as a Jewish institution: it is a wonder that we hear nothing of a Jewish religion, as Christianity certainly originated with that people; of a Jewish Saviour, since the Redeemer was of the offspring of David; and of Jewish apostles, as not one of the twelve were of the Gentile race. We must go to the Jews for the Bible, in which is contained the knowledge of God, and the hope of the world; we must go to the Jews for examples of godliness in the long, dark ages before the Christian era; why not go to them for a sabbath likewise? The spiritual pride that opposes such a measure will not stand in the great and burning day.

The religious and political history of Armenia has, from the earliest ages, been pregnant with great events; but, obedient to necessity; I condense within a few pages what might fill as many volumes, and content myself with giving an outline of the subject that some future historian may amplify and adorn. In countries where there exists a union between the church and the state, and the prelatic dignity is supported by royal authority, the revolutions of the former are intimately connected with the convulsions of the latter,--the temporal with the spiritual affairs. But the archiepiscopal see of Armenia appears to have preserved its ancient form of discipline and doctrine in the most remarkable manner, notwithstanding the changes of the royal and ducal dynasties in the state, and its alternate subjection to Saracenic and Persian dominion.

The propagation of the gospel throughout Armenia is ascribed by ancient historians to St. Bartholomew, who is said to be identical with Nathaniel,--that Israelite indeed. In Albanopolis, a city of this country, we are informed that the apostle suffered martyrdom; but his blood only watered the seed of divine truth, and caused a more glorious harvest of proselytes from the Zendavesta to the gospel,--from the adoration of the host of heaven to the spiritual worship of their Maker, "the King immortal, eternal, and invisible."

Notwithstanding the penal edicts of the sovereign, and the opposition of the Magian priesthood, Christianity flourished like a tree planted by the rivers of water, and the rising generations of Armenia reposed under its salutary shade. Few religious sects have been extirpated by persecution. Religion shines brightest in the night of adversity; it is quenched and extinguished in the sunshine of courts. Zeal and intrepidity are always stimulated by the presence of an enemy. The Christians of Armenia received the crown of martyrdom, rejoicing that they were accounted worthy to suffer for their attachment to the cross. At last, however, the eloquence of a priest, named Gregory, succeeded in converting the monarch and his principal nobility, who received the rite of baptism, and entered into the communion of the church. In consequence of this, Leontius, bishop of Cappadocia, consecrated Gregory bishop of the Armenians, and their church became annexed to the episcopal jurisdiction of the Antiochan prelate.

This circumstance, so fortunate in a temporal sense, proved highly destructive to its spiritual repose. No longer assaulted, it became the parent of schism; and one Eustathius, an obscure priest, has given his name to history, by the success that attended his efforts to create an excitement and faction in the church. The convention of a Council at Gangra might condemn and excommunicate, but could not suppress this faction, which poured forth legions of missionaries, and for a long time disturbed the repose of the Eastern prelates. The doctrines of Eustathius were neither heretical, nor his conduct in introducing them truly reprehensible, although from their nature highly offensive to the spiritual dignitaries, who, to judge from their habits of life, found more solace in wine and female intercourse than in religious exercises, and who were more solicitous to acquire wealth and preferments to enrich their physical heirs, than solicitous about the welfare of their spiritual progeny. Producing the example and judgment of Paul, Eustathius boldly condemned the marriages of the priests, under any circumstances, as productive of evil; but denounced second and third marriages as abominable, and worthy of excommunication. The use of wine,--in short, all sensual delights,--he prohibited, as equally reprehensible in those who were set as exemplars and rulers of the flock of Christ. Eustathius was succeeded by Erius, a priest, and semi-Arian, who not only protested against the multiplied marriages of the priests, but declared that the bishops were not distinguished from the presbyters by any divine right, and that, according to the Holy Scriptures, their authority and offices were identical. This tenet, of which the immediate consequences would have been to reduce within certain limits the power of the prelates, raised a storm of opposition from that quarter, although it was highly agreeable to many good Christians, to whom their tyranny and arrogance had become insupportable. Erius also condemned fasts, stated feasts, prayers for the dead, and the celebration of Easter; but he urged a purer morality and a stricter observance of the Sabbath. He had many followers, whose numbers were greatly augmented by one Paul of Samosota, from whom they were called Paulicians. Notwithstanding the opposition of the prelates, who invoked the secular arm to prevent the defection of their spiritual subjects, the tenets of this sect struck deep root in Armenia and many of the eastern provinces, and finally the great body of Christians in the former country, withdrew from the Episcopal communion, and publicly espoused the sentiments of the Paulicians. These were accused of breaking loose from the brotherhood of the Christian world, and they were denounced by the bishops as the most odious of mankind. Whatever might have been the denunciations of their adversaries, posterity, after a candid examination of their tenets, must concede that they were principally distinguished for an adherence to the strict letter of the sacred text, and for the primitive simplicity of their forms of worship. Their ecclesiastical institutions exhibited the most liberal principle of reason. The austerity of the cloister was relaxed, and gradually forgotten. The standard of piety was changed from absurd penances to purity of life and morals. Houses of charity were endowed for the support and education of orphans and foundlings, and the religious teachers were obliged to depend for temporal support upon the voluntary subscriptions of their brethren and the labour of their own hands. To these churches, famous throughout the East no less for the purity of their worship than their exemption from ecclesiastical tyranny, myriads of fugitives resorted from all the provinces of the Eastern empire, and the narrow bigotry of the emperors was punished by the emigration of their most useful subjects, who transported into a foreign realm the arts of both peace and war. Among the mountains of Armenia, and beyond the precincts of the Roman power, they seemed to have found a new world, where they might breathe the air of religious freedom. The emperors, ignorant of the rights of conscience, and incapable of pity or esteem for the heretics who durst dispute the infallibility of holy councils, and refused to acquiesce in their imperial decisions, vainly sought, by various methods, to excite against them the indignation of their sovereign and the vengeance of persecution.

During this time the Paulicians had increased in a wonderful manner. The desire of gaining souls for God, and subjects for the church, has, in all ages, fired the zeal and animated the activity of the Christian priesthood. It must not be supposed that the Paulicians were less arduous in the prosecution of their spiritual enterprises. Assuming the character of travelling merchants, or in the habits of pilgrims, a character to this day sacred throughout the East, they joined the Indian caravans, or pursued without fear the footsteps of the roving Tartar. The hordes encamped on the verdant banks of the Selinga, or in the valleys of the Imaus, heard, with feelings of mysterious reverence, the story of the incarnation; and illiterate shepherds and sanguinary warriors forsook their flocks and deserted their camps to listen to the simple eloquence of an Armenian pilgrim. Perhaps the exposition of a metaphysical creed was no more comprehensible to the one than were lessons of humanity and repose to the other; but both were susceptible of the baser passions of hope and fear, and both could understand the effect that their rejection or adoption of the gospel would exercise, according to the popular belief, upon their destiny in a future world. The mysterious rites of Christianity were administered to multitudes, among whom a great Khan and his warriors were said to be included. In other regions the Paulicians were no less successful. Unwonted crowds resorted to the banks of Abana and Pharpar, whose limpid waters seemed particularly appropriate for the administration of the baptismal rite. The bishops of Syria, Pontus, and Cappadocia, complained of the defection of their spiritual flocks. Their murmurs, a principle of policy, above all an implacable hatred against everything bearing the semblance of freedom, induced the Grecian emperors to commence, and continue for nearly two centuries, the most terrible persecutions against the Paulicians. During these frightful convulsions, Armenia was ravaged from border to border with fire and sword; its monarchy--then held by a younger branch of the family of the Parthian kings--extinguished; its cities demolished, and its inhabitants either massacred by the hands of their enemies, driven into exile, or sold into servitude. Great numbers fled for safety and protection to the Saracens, by whom they were hospitably entertained, and who permitted them to build a city for their residence, which was called Tibrica. This afforded them an opportunity for returning, with interest, the miseries that they had suffered at the hands of the Greeks; for, entering into a league with the Saracens, and choosing for their leader a chief named Carbeas, they prosecuted against the Greeks a war which continued during the century, and in which the slaughter on both sides was prodigious. During these convulsions several companies of the Paulicians passed into Bulgaria, Thrace, and the neighbouring provinces, where their opinions became the source of new dissensions. After the Council of Basil had commenced its deliberations, these sectaries removed into Italy, where they became amalgamated with the Albigenses and Waldenses.

Armenia, reduced from an independent kingdom to a ducal sovereignty, maintained a real independence, though in nominal servitude. The Roman emperors, in the decline of their greatness, were content with the name of homage and the shadow of allegiance. A robe of rare texture and curious workmanship, formed of the hair or wool by which the mother-of-pearl, a shell-fish of the Mediterranean, attaches itself to the rock, was their annual imperial gift that purchased the nominal fealty of the Armenian satraps. But the Church, notwithstanding this political vassalage, preserved its independence. The Armenian priests, in consequence of their ignorance of the Greek tongue, were unable to assist at the Council of Chalcedon, but the doctrines of Eutyches, to which they still adhere, were propagated among them, perhaps, with a slight modification, by Julian of Halicarnassus. From the earliest ages they have devoutly hated the error and idolatry of the Greeks. Like the primitive Christians, they have ever exhibited an unconquerable repugnance to the use or abuse of images, which, in the eighth and ninth centuries, spread like a leprosy through nearly all Christendom, and supplanted all traces of genuine piety in the visible church by the grossest superstition. They are decidedly adverse to the adoration of relics, the worship of the Virgin, or the observation of the feasts and festivals of the Church. They regarded the Greeks as idolaters;--the Greeks accused them of Judaism, heresy, and atheism, and to these accusations, with the feelings they engendered, may be ascribed the unrelenting animosity and persecution that they waged against each other, and which terminated only when the Grecian empire ceased to exist.

Armenia has, in all ages, been the theatre of hostile operations. Times without number her cities have been plundered, her harvests consumed, and her flocks slaughtered, to gratify the cupidity or to satiate the hunger of armies, who, in the character of allies, were marching through her territories. The empire of the East has, in many instances, been contested upon her fields; and, though generally in servitude, seldom has she been permitted to enjoy the tranquillity of that state. Yet subsequent to the firm establishment of the Saracen dominion in Asia, they enjoyed a long period of prosperity and repose. When the Saracenic empire became supplanted by that of the Tartars, the consequences to the Eastern Christians were most deplorable.

These ruthless conquerors destroyed, wherever they went, the fair fruits that had arisen from the labours of the missionaries, extirpated the religion of Jesus from several cities and provinces where it had flourished, and substituted the Mohammedan superstition in its place. The Armenian churches, in particular, experienced the most deplorable evils from the ruthless and vindictive spirit of Timur Bec, or Tamerlane, the Tartar chief. This implacable warrior, having overrun a great part of northern and western Asia, exerted all his influence and authority to compel the Christians to apostatize from their faith. To the stern dictates of unlimited power he united the compulsory violence of persecution, and treated the disciples of Christ with the most unrelenting severity; subjecting such as magnanimously adhered to their religion, to the most cruel forms of death, or to the horrors of unmitigated slavery. Under the successors of Timur they were subjected to many vicissitudes, being alternately protected and oppressed, according as the caprice of the reigning sovereign seemed to dictate. Nevertheless, under the rod of oppression their zeal was intrepid and fervent, nor could the sunshine of prosperity warm in their hearts an undue love of the world, and render them careless or indifferent to the interests of Christianity. In numberless instances they preferred the crown of martyrdom to the turban of Mohammed, and have sacrificed the dearest of temporal interests,--fame, wealth, and preferments, to a scrupulous adherence to the Christian profession, and a strict regard for its duties. Once only within the last thirteen centuries has Armenia aspired to the rank of an independent kingdom, and even then her Christian kings, who arose and fell, in the thirteenth century, on the confines of Cilicia, were the creatures and vassals of the Turkish sultans of Iconium. About the commencement of the seventeenth century their state experienced a considerable change in consequence of the incursions of Shah Abbas, the great king of Persia.

This prince, justly apprehensive from the victorious approach of the Turks, ravaged that part of Armenia which lay contiguous to his dominions, and ordered the inhabitants to retire into Persia. It will be perceived that these devastations were not intended to evince hostility against the Armenians, but to retard and embarrass the advance of the Turks. Encouraged by the monarch, the most opulent of the Armenians removed to Ispahan, where the Emperor appropriated a beautiful suburb for their residence, and permitted them to enjoy every civil and religious privilege, under the jurisdiction of their own bishop or patriarch. Durin eu n?o tinha noticia... quer-me captivar pelas artes como o commendador pela sciencia.

GON?ALO

Concluo d'ahi que tenho n'elles dois... dois... Como direi?...

D. MARIA JOANNA

Rivaes. P?de dizer. N?o tem risco.

GON?ALO

Em summa, requestam-n'a ambos!

D. MARIA JOANNA

O commendador d?s que partimos de Paris... O morgado d?s que nos saiu ao encontro na fronteira...

GON?ALO

Complicando o galanteio... ambulante.

D. MARIA JOANNA

Pelo contrario: simplificando-o. Distraem-se mutuamente, e deixam-me respirar. Dois s?o menos perigosos que um.

GON?ALO

E tres?

D. MARIA JOANNA

Menos perigosos que dois. J? lhe esqueceu o promettido? Ambos pertendem a minha m?o, ? verdade... porque n'esta m?o, com ser pequena, cabe a heran?a de tres casas.

GON?ALO

N?o me lembrava!

O MORGADO

Prima! Prima!

D. MARIA JOANNA

Ouve? Temos temporal de palavras.

SCENA IV

MORGADO

Prima. Ach?mos luz.

GON?ALO

N?o ? difficil verifical-o.

MORGADO

E n?o s? ach?mos luz, fizemos um grande descubrimento.

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