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Editor: George Henry Kingsley

Animaduersions

uppon

Chaucer's Workes.

+Chaucer.+

ANIMADUERSIONS

uppon the Annotacions and correctons of some imperfectons of impressones of Chaucer's workes reprinted in the yere of our lorde 1598

Sett downe by FRANCIS THYNNE.

"Sortee pur bien ou ne sortee rien."

Now Newly Edited from the MS. in the Bridgewater Library

G. H. KINGSLEY, M.D., F.L.S.

LONDON: Published for the Early English Text Society, by N. Tr?bner & Co., 60, Paternoster Row.

John Childs and Son, Printers.

PREFACE

Although only the grandson of the first of his name, the author of the following interesting specimen of 16th-century criticism came of a family of great antiquity, of so great an antiquity, indeed, as to preclude our tracing it back to its origin. This family was originally known as the "De Botfelds," but in the 15th century one branch adopted the more humble name of "Thynne," or "of the Inne." Why the latter name was first assumed has never been satisfactorily explained. It can hardly be supposed that "John de la Inne de Botfelde," as he signed himself, kept a veritable hostelry and sold ale and provender to the travellers between Ludlow and Shrewsbury, and most probably the term Inn was used in the sense which has given us "Lincoln's Inn," "Gray's Inn," or "Furnivall's Inn," merely meaning a place of residence of the higher class, though in this case inverted, the Inn giving its name to its owner.

However obtained, the name has been borne by the most successful branch of the De Botfelds down to the present Marquess of Bath, who now represents it. Much interesting matter connected with the family was collected by a late descendant of the older branch, Beriah Botfeld, and published by him in his "Stemmata Botvilliana."

William Thynne rests beside his second wife, in the church of Allhallows, Barking, near the Tower of London, where there are two handsome brasses to their memory. That of William Thynne represents him in full armour with a tremendous dudgeon dagger and broadsword, most warlike guize for a clerk of the kitchen and editor of Chaucer. The dress of his wife is quite refreshing in its graceful comeliness in these days of revived "farthingales and hoops." These brasses were restored by the late Marquess of Bath. Would that the same good feeling for things old had prevented the owners of the "church property" from casing the old tower with a hideous warehouse.

The Sir John Thynne mentioned in the "Animadversions" was most probably a cousin of Francis. He married the daughter of Sir Thomas Gresham, the builder of the Royal Exchange, part of whose wealth was devoted by his son-in-law to the building of the beautiful family seat of Long Leat, in Wiltshire, in which work he was doubtless aided indirectly by the Reformation, for, says the old couplet,

"Portman, Horner, Popham, and Thynne, When the monks went out they came in."

Francis Thynne was born in Kent, probably at his father's house at Erith, about 1550. He was educated at Tunbridge school under learned Master Proctor, thence to Magdalen College, Oxford, and then, as the manner was, to the Inns of Court, where he lay at Lincoln's Inn for a while. Some men are born antiquarians as others are born poets, and we may be pretty certain that it was at Thynne's own desire that his court influence was used to procure him the post of "Blanch Lyon pursuivant," a position which would enable him to pursue studies, the results of which, however valuable in themselves, but seldom prove capable of being converted into the vulgar necessities of food and raiment. Poor John Stowe, with his license to beg, as the reward of the labour of his life, is a terrible proof of how utterly unmarketable a valuable commodity may become.

Leading a calm and quiet life in the pleasant villages of Poplar and Clerkenwell, in "sweet and studious idleness," as he himself calls it, the old herald was enabled to accumulate rich stores of matter, much of which has come down to us, principally in manuscript, scattered through various great libraries, which prove him to have deserved Camden's estimate of him as "an antiquary of great judgment and diligence." It would seem that he had entertained the idea of following in his father's footsteps, and of becoming an editor of Chaucer, and that he had even made some collections towards that end. The appearance of Speight's edition probably prevented this idea being carried out, and the evident soreness exhibited in this little tract very probably arose from a feeling that his friend had rather unfairly stolen a march upon him. However the wound was not deep, and Speight made use of Thynne's corrections, and Thynne assisted Speight, in new editions, with all friendship and sympathy. I suspect him of dabbling in alchemy and the occult sciences. He shows himself well acquainted with the terms peculiar to those mysteries, and hints that Chaucer only "enveyed" against the "sophisticall abuse," not the honest use of the Arcana. Moreover in the British Museum there is a volume containing much curious matter collected by him on these subjects, and not only collected but illustrated by him with most gorgeous colours and wondrous drawing, worthy of the blazonry of a Lancaster Herald. The costumes however are carefully correct, and give us useful hints as to the fashion of the raiment of our ancestors. From the peculiar piety and earnestness , of the small "signs" and prayers appended to these papers, it is, I think, clear, that he was working in all good faith and belief. Possibly the following lines, which seem to have been his favourite motto, may have been inspired by the disappointment and dyspepsia produced by his smoky studies and their ill success,

"My strange and froward fate Shall turn her whele anew To better or to payre my fate, Which envy dothe pursue."

On the 22nd of April, 1602, he was with great ceremony advanced to the honour of Lancaster Herald. He never surrendered his patent, and as his successor entered on that post in November, 1608, he is supposed to have died about that date, though some postpone his death till 1611. He married Elizabeth, daughter and co-heiress of Thomas de la Rivers of Bransbe, but left no issue.

There are many points of interest to be picked out of the following honest and straightforward bit of criticism, if we examine it closely: and, firstly, as to its author? Is there not something very characteristic in its general tone, something dimly sketching a shadowy outline of a kindly, fussy, busy, querulous old man, much given to tiny minutiae, a careful copier with a clean pen, indefatiguable in collecting "contributions" to minor history; one jealous of all appearance of slight to his office, even to being moved to wrath with Master Speight for printing "Harolds" instead of "Harlotts," and letting him know how mightily a "Harold" like himself would be offended at being holden of the condition of so base a thing as False Semblance? Perhaps the more so from a half-consciousness that the glory of the office was declining, and that if the smallest opening were given, a ribald wit might create terrible havock amongst his darling idols. How delicately he snubs Master Speight for not calling on him at Clerkenwell Green ; and how modestly he hints that he would have derived no "disparagement" from so doing; showing all the devotion to little matters of etiquette of an amiable but irritable old gentleman of our own day.

But mark this old gentleman's description of his father's collection of Chaucer's MS.! Had ever a Bibliophile a more delightful commission than that one of William Thynne's, empowering him to rout and to rummage amongst all the monasteries and libraries of England in search of the precious fragments? And had ever a Bibliophile a greater reward for his pleasant toils? "Fully furnished with a multitude of books, emongst which one coppye of some part of his works subscribed in various places 'Examinatur Chaucer'!" Where is this invaluable MS. now? It is worth the tracing, if it be possible, even to its intermediate history. Was it one of those stolen from Francis Thynne's house at Poplar by that bibliomaniacal burglar? or was it one of those which in a fit of generosity, worthy of those heroic times, he gave to Stephen Batemann, that most fortunate parson of Newington? Is this commission to be regarded as some slight proof that the spoliation of the monasteries was not carried on with the reckless Vandalism usually attributed to the reformers?

We learn from this tract that William Thynne left no less than twenty-five copies of Chaucerian MS. to his son, doubtless but a small tything of the entire number extant, showing that there were men amongst the monks who could enjoy wit and humour even when directed against themselves, and that there must have been some considerable liberality if not laxness of rule amongst the orders of the day. It would, I fancy, be difficult to find amongst the monkeries of our own time an abbot inclined to permit his monks to read, much less to copy, so heretical a work as the Canterbury Tales, however freely he winked at the introduction of French nouvellettes.

Wherever he may be placed, John Skelton stands alone amongst satirists, there is no one like him: possibly from a feeling that he was writing on the winning side, and sure of sympathy and protection, he scorns to hide his pearls under a dunghill like Rabelais, and utters fearlessly and openly what he has to say. Even in our own time,

Thynne's note on the family of Gower is of value as agreeing with later theories, which deny that Gower the poet was of the Gowers of Stittenham, the ancestors of the present houses of Sutherland and Ellesmere. The question is not, however, finally decided, and we have reason to believe that all the Gowers of Great Britain are descended from the same family of Guers still flourishing in Brittany. Early coat-armours are not much to be depended on, and Thynne as a Herald may lean a little too much towards them. The question is, however, in good hands, and I hope that before long some fresh light may be thrown upon it.

The old story of Chaucer's having been fined for beating a Franciscan friar in Fleet Street is doubted by Thynne, though hardly, I think, on sufficient grounds. Tradition is not lightly to be disturbed, and remembering with what more than feminine powers of invective "spiritual" men seem to be not unfrequently endowed, and also how atrociously insolent a Franciscan friar would be likely to be to a man like Chaucer, who had burnt into the very soul of monasticism with the caustic of his wit, I shall continue to believe the legend for the present. If the mediaeval Italians are to be believed, the cudgelling of a friar was occasionally thought necessary even by the most faithful, and I see no reason why hale Dan Chaucer should not have lost his temper on sufficient provocation. Old men have hot blood sometimes, and Dickens does not outrage probability when he makes Martin Chuzzelwit the elder, fell Mr Pecksniff to the ground.

Much of the tract is taken up by corrections of etymologies, and the explanation of obscure and obsolete words. It is a little curious that the word "orfrayes," which had gone so far out of date as to be unintelligible to Master Speight, should, thanks to the new rage for church and clergy decoration, have become reasonably common again. The note on the "Vernacle" is another bit of close and accurate antiquarian knowledge worth noting. It is most tantalizing that after all he says about that mysterious question of "The Lords son of Windsor," a question as mysterious as that demanding why Falstalf likened Prince Henry's father to a "singing man" of the same place, we should be left as wise as we were before. We have here and there, too, hints as to what we have lost from Thynne's great storehouse of information; how valuable would have been "that long and no common discourse" which he tells us he might have composed on that most curious form of judicial knavery, the ordeal; and possibly much more so is that of his "collections" for his edition of Chaucer! This last may, however, be still recovered by some fortunate literary mole.

The notice, by no means clear, but certainly not complimentary, of "the second editione to one inferior personne, than my father's editione was," may refer to any of the editions of Chaucer which, according to Lowndes, were printed more or less from William Thynne's edition in 1542, 1546, and 1555; but from another passage hinting that Speight followed "a late English corrector whom I forbear to name," I suspect that the "inferior personne" was poor John Stowe, and the edition to have been that edited by him in 1561, the nearest in point of date to that of Speight.

In conclusion may I remark that, as usual, the green silk ribands, originally attached to the vellum and gold cover, are closely cut away, probably for the purpose of being converted into shoe-ties, which Robert Green informs us was the usual destination of those appended to presentation copies, hinting at the same time that they were generally the only solid advantage gained by the dedicatee from the honour done him.

LIST OF THYNNE'S WORKS

"In the castrations to Hollingshed's Chronicles are the four following discourses by this Author, which were suppressed from political motives, they have been added to the late quarto Edition."

Collections out of Domus Regni Angliae. Nomina Episcoporum in Somerset. Nomina Saxonica de Donatoribus a Regibus Eadfrido, Eadgare et Edwardo, Catalogus Episcoporum, Barton and Wells. A book of collections and commentaries de historia et Rebus Britannicis.

Collections out of manuscript, Historians Registers of Abbies, Leger books, and other antient manuscripts.

ANIMADVERSIONS.

+To the righte Honorable his singular goode Lorde Sir Thomas Egertone knighte lorde keper of the greate seale and Master of the Rooles of the Chancerye.+

It was one annciente and gretlye estemed custome emongste the Romans in the heighe of their glorye, that eche one, accordinge to their abylytye or the desarte of his frende, did in the begynnynge of the monthe of Januarye presente somme gyfte unto his frende as the noote and pledge of the contynued and encresed amytye betwene them, a pollicye gretlye to be regarded, for the manye good effectes whiche issue from so woorthye cause. This custome not restinge in the lymyttes of Italye, but spredinge with the Romans into euerye perticuler Countrye where theyr powre and gouermente stretched. passed also ouer the Oceane into the litle worlde of Brytannye, being neuer exiled from thence, nor frome those, whome eyther honor, amytye, or dutye doth combyne. ffor whiche cause lest I myghte offende in the breche of that moste excellente and yet embraced Custome, I thynke yt my parte to presente unto yor Lo suche poore neweyeres gyfte as my weake estate and the barrennesse of my feble skyll will permytte: Wherefore, and because Cicero affirmethe, that he whiche hathe once ouer passed the frontiers of modestye must for euer after be impudente, I ame nowe become utterlye impudente in not blusshinge to salute you agayne with my petye animadversons, uppon the annotacons and corrections delivered by Master Thomas Speghte uppon the last editone of Chaucer's workes in the yere of oure redemptone 1598; thinges not so answerable to yor Lordshippes iudgmente, and my desyre, as boothe your desarte and my dutye doo challenge. But althoughe they doo not in all respectes satisfye youre Lordshippes expectacone and my goode will, , yet I dobt not but yor lordshippe will accepte these trifles from yor lovinge well-willer, in suche sorte, as I shall acknowledge my selfe beholdinge and endebted to yor Lordshippe for the same. whiche I hoope yor Lordshippe will the rather doo because you haue, by the former good acceptance of my laste booke, emboldened me to make tryall of the lyke acceptance of this pamfelette. Wherefore yf yor Lordshippe shall receve yt curteouslye I will hereafter consecrate to yor lykinge some better labor of moore momente and higher subiecte, answerable to the excellencye of yor iudgemente, and mete to declare the fulnesse of the dutyfull mynde and service I beare and owe unto your Lordshippe, to whome in all reuerence I commytte this simple treatyce. Thus I humblye take my leave. Clerkenwell grene the xx of December 1599. Yor Lordshippes wholye to dyspose, Francis Thynne.

TO MASTER THOMAS SPEIGHTE ffrancis Thynn sendeth greeting.

"In Lincolneshyre fast by a fenne, Standes a relligious howse who doth yt kenne," &c.

In this tale did Chaucer most bitterlye enveye against the pride, state, couetoussness, and extorcone of the Bysshoppes, their officialls, archdeacons, vicars generalls, comissaryes, and other officers of the spirituall courte. The inventone and order whereof was, that one comynge into this relligious howse, walked upp and down the churche, beholdinge goodlye pictures of Bysshoppes in the windowes, at lengthe the manne contynuynge in that contemplatione, not knowinge what Byshoppes they were, a grave olde manne withe a longe white hedde and berde, in a large blacke garment girded unto hym, came forthe and asked hym, what he iudged of those pictures in the windowes, who sayed he knewe not what to make of them, but that they looked lyke unto our mitred Byshoppes; to whome the olde father replied, yt is true, they are like, but not the same, for oure byshoppes are farr degenerate from them, and withe that, made a large discourse of the Byshoppes and of their courtes.

This tale when kinge henrye the eighte had redde, he called my father unto hym saying Williame Thynne I dobte this will not be allowed, for I suspecte the Byshoppes will call the in questione for yt, to whome my father, beinge in great fauore with his prince, sayed yf yo grace be not offended, I hoope to be protected by yo, whereuppon the kinge bydd hym goo his waye and feare not. All whiche not withstandinge, my father was called in questone by the Bysshoppes and heaved at by cardinall Wolseye his olde enymye, for manye causes, but mostly for that my father had furthered Skelton to publishe his Collen Cloute againste the Cardinall, the moste pte of whiche Booke was compiled in my fathers howse at Erithe in Kente. But for all my fathers frendes, the Cardinalls pswadinge auctorytye was so greate withe the kinge, that thoughe by the kinges favor my father escaped bodelye daunger, yet the Cardinall caused the kinge so muche to myslyke of that tale, that chaucer must be newe printed and that discourse of the pilgrymes tale lefte oute, and so beinge printed agayne, some thynges were forsed to be omitted, and the plowmans tale with muche ado pmitted to passe with the reste, in suche sorte that in one open parliamente when talke was had of Bookes to be forbidden, chaucer had there for euer byn condempned, had yt not byn that his woorkes had byn counted but fables. Whereunto yf yo will replye, that their colde not be any suche pilgrymes tale, because Chaucer in his prologues makethe not mentione of anye suche persoune, whiche he wolde haue doune yf yt had byn so: for after that he had recyted the knighte, the squyer, the squiers yeomane, the prioresse, her noone, and her thre prests, the monke, the fryer, the marchant, the clerke of Oxenforde, seriante at the lawe, franckleyne, haberdassher, goldsmythe, webbe, dyer and tapyster, cooke, shypmane, Doctor of physecke, wyfe of Bathe, psoune and plowmane, he sayeth at the end of the plowmans prologue,

There was also a Reue, and a Millere A sumpneure, and a Pardoner A manciple and my selfe there was no mo.

All whiche make xxx persons with Chaucer: wherefore yf there had byn anye moore, he wolde also haue recyted them in those verses, whereunto I answere, that in the prologes he lefte oute some of those whe tolde their tales; as the chanons yomane, because he came after that they were passed out of theyre Inne, and did overtake them, as in lyke sorte this pilgrime did or mighte doo, and so afterwardes be one of their companye, as was that chanons yeomane, althoughe Chaucer talke no moore of this pilgrime in his prologe then he doothe of the chanons yeomane; whiche I dobte not wolde fullye appere, yf the pilgrimes prologe and tale mighte be restored to his former light they being nowe looste, as manye other of Chaucers tales were before that, as I am induced to thinke by manye reasons.

But to leave this, I must saye that in those many written Bookes of Chaucer, whe came to my fathers hands, there were manye false copyes, whiche Chaucer shewethe in writinge of Adam Scriuener, of whiche written copies there came to me after my fathers deathe some fyve and twentye; whereof some had moore and some fewer tales, and some but two and some three. whe bookes beinge by me partly dispersed aboute xxvj years agoo, and partlye stoolen out of my howse at Popler: I gave divers of them to Stephen Batemanne person of Newington, and to divs other, whiche beinge copies unpfecte and some of them corrected by my fathers hande yt maye happen soome of them to coome to some of yo frendes handes, whiche I knowe yf I see agayne: and yf by anye suche written copies yo have corrected Chaucer, yo maye as well offende as seme to do good. But I judge the beste, for in dobtes I will not resolve with a settled judgement, althoughe yo may iudge this tediouse discourse of my father a needlesse thinge in setting forthe his diligence in breaking the yce, and givinge lighte to others, who may moore easely pfecte then begyne any thinge, for facilius est addere qua Invenire, and so to other matters.

Under the tytle of chaucers countaye, yo seme to make yt probable that Richarde Chaucer vinetener of Londone, was Geffrye Chaucers father, But I holde that no moore the that Johne Chaucer of Londone, was father to Richarde; of whiche Johne I fynde in the recordes in Dorso Rotulor. patent. 24 de anno 30. Ed. 1. in the towre. that kinge Edwarde the firste had herde the compleinte of Johne chaucer of London, who was beaten and hurte, to the domage of one thousand pownde for whiche a comissone went forthe to enquire thereof. wherbye yt semethe that he was of some Reconynge. But as I cannott saye that Johne was father to Richarde, or hee to Geffroye: So yet this muche I will deliuer in settinge downe the antiquytye of the name of chaucer, that his anncesters were strangers, as the etymon of his name dothe prove, for that dothe the Etymon of this worde chausier presente unto us, of whiche name I have founde on Elias chauseryr lyvinge in the tyme of Henrye the thirde and of Edwarde the firste, of whome the record of pellis exitus in the receyte of the Exchequier in the firste yere of Edwarde ye firste hathe thus noted: "Edwardus dei gra &c. Liberate de thesauro Nostro Elie chauseryr decem solidos super arreragia triu obuloru diurnoru quos ad vita sua per litteras domini. H. Regis patris nostri, percepit ad scaccarm nostru. datu per manu Walleri Merton cancellarii nostri apud West m 24 Julii anno regni nostri primo." with whiche carractres ys Geffry Chausyer written in the Recordes in the tyme of Edwarde the thirde and Richarde the seconde. So that yt was a name of office or occupatone, whiche after came to be the surname of a famelye, as did Smythe, Baker, Porter, Bruer, Skynner, Cooke, Butler, and suche lyke, and that yt was a name of office apperethe in the recordes of the towre, where yt is named Le Chaucer, beinge more annciente then anye other of those recordes; for in Dorso clause of 10: H. 3 ys this: Reginaldus mirifir^s et alicia uxor eius attornaverut Radulfu le Chausier contra Johem Le furber et matildem uxorem eius de uno messuagio in London. This chaucer lyvinge also in the time of kinge John. And thus this muche for the Antiquytye and synificatone of Chaucer, whe I canne prove in the tyme of Edward the 4 to signyfye also, in oure Englishe tonge, bootes or highe shoes to the calfe of the legge: for thus hathe the Antique recordes of Domus Regni Anglie, ca. 53 for the messengers of the kinges howse to doo the kings comanndementes: that they shalbe allowed for their Chauses yerely iiij^s viij^d: But what shall wee stande uppon the Antiquyte and gentry of Chaucer, when the rolle of Battle Abbeye affirmeth hym to come in with the Conquerer. Under the title of Chaucers countrye, yow sett downe that some Heraldes are of opyny-oe that he did not discende of any great howse; whiche they gather by his armes. This ys a slender coniecture, for as honorable howses and of as greate Antiquytye haue borne as meane armes as Chaucer, and yet Chaucers armes are not so meane eyther for coolo, chardge or particone as some will make them. And where yo saye, yt semethe lykelye, Chaucers skill in Geometrye considered, that he tooke the groundes and reasons of his armes oute of seuen twentye and eight and twentye propositones of Euclide's first booke, that ys no inference that his armes were newe or fyrst assumed by hym oute of Geometricall proportions, because he was skyllfull in Geometrye: for so yo maye saye of all the auncient armes of England whe consyste not of anymalls or vegitalls. for all other armes whiche are not Anymalls and vegitalls, as Cheuerons, pales, Bendes, Checkes, and suche lyke, stande uppon geometricall proportone. And therfore howe greate so euer their skyll bee, which attribute that choyce of armes to Chaucer had no moore skyle in armes then they needed.

In the same title also, yo sett downe Quene Isabell, &c. and her sonne prince Edwarde withe his newe maried wyfe retourned oute of Henalte. In whiche are two unperfectons. the first whereof ys, that his wyfe came oute of Henalte wh the prince, but that is not soo, for the prince maryed her not before he came into England, since the prince was onlye slenderly contracted and not maryed to her before his arryvall in Englande, beinge two yeres and moore after that contracte, about the latter ende of the seconde yere of his reigne, thoughe others haue the firste, the solempnytye of that mariage beinge donne at Yorke. besides she came not ouer with Quene Isabell and the prince, but the prince sent for her afterwardes, and so I suppose sayeth Hardinge in his cronicle, yf I do not mysconceve yt, not havinge the historye now in my handes. But whether he saye so or no, yt ys not materiall, because the recordes be playne, that he sent for her into Henalte in the seconde yere of his reigne in october, and she came to the kinge the 23 of Januarye followinge, whe was aboute one daye before he beganne the thirde yere of his reigne, wherunto he entred the 25 of Januarye. and for prooffe of the tyme when and whoome the Kinge sente, and what they were allowed therefore, the pellis exitus of the Exchequier remayninge in master warders office hathe thus sett downe to the forthe daye of februarye "Bartholomeo de Burgershe nuper misso ad partes Douor ad obuiandu filiae comitis Hannoniae consorti ipsius Regis &c." but this recorde followinge is most pleyne, shewing bothe who went for her, the day when they tooke their yourneye towardes henalte, with the daye when and where they presented her to the kinge after their retorne into Englande, and the daye one whiche they wer payed their charges, beinge the forthe of marche one whe daye yt is thus entred in the records of pellis exitus, Michaell. 2. ed. 3. "Rogero couentry &c Lichefeld episcopo nuper misso in nuntiu domini Regis ad partes Hannoniae pro matrimonio inter dominu Regem et filiam comitis Hannoniae contrahendo, ab octavo die octobris proxime preterito, quo die reessit de Notingha ipso domino Rege ibidem existente, arripiendo iter suu predictu, versus partes predictas, usqu vicesimu tertiu diem Januarii proxime sequente, quo die rediit ad ipsu Regem predictu apud Eboru in comitatiua filiae comitis Hannoniae predictae utroqu die computato pro cviij diebus percipiendo per diem iij.^li vj.^s viij.^d pro expensis suis." Thus muche the recorde, whiche confirmethe that wche I go aboute to prove, that she came not into Englande with prince Edwarde, and that he was not maryed at that tyme, no, not contracted, but only by agremente betwene the erle and his mother. Next yo seme to implye by a coniecturall argumente, that Chaucers auncesters sholde be mrchats, for that in place where they haue dwelled the armes of the marchantes of the staple haue bin seene in the glasse windowes. This ys a mere coniecture, and of no valydytye. For the mrchantes of the staple had not any armes granted to them vntill longe after the deathe of Chaucers parentes, wche was aboute the 10 or 12 of Edwarde the thirde; and those merchantes had no armes before the tyme of Henrye the sixte, or muchewhat thereaboutes, as I dobt not but wilbe well proued, yf I be not mysenformed. But admytte the staplers had then armes, yt ys no argumete that chaucers auncesters were merchantes because those armes were in the wyndowes, as you shall well pceave, yf yo drawe yt into a syllogisme, and therefore yo did well to conclude, that yt was not materiall whether they were merchants or noo.

In the title of Chaucer's educatone, yo saye that Gower in his booke entituled confessio amantis termethe Chaucer a worthye poet, and maketh hym as yt were the iudge of his woorkes; in wche Booke, to my knowledge, Gower dothe not terme hym a worthye poet, nether doth he after a sorte make hym iudge of his workes, since these be Gowers woordes, vttered by Venus in that booke of confessio Amantis:

These be all the verses wche I knowe or yet canne fynde, in whiche Gower in that booke mentioneth Chaucer, where he nether nameth hym worthye poet, nor after a sorte submyttethe his workes to his iudgmente. But quite contrarye Chaucer doth submytte the correctione of his woorks to Gower in these playne woordes, in the latter ende of the fyfte booke of Troylus:

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