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THE REFORMER

LUTHER

PRINCELY MARRIAGES

IN King Henry the Eighth's celebrated matrimonial controversy the Roman See by its final decision was energetically to vindicate the cause of justice, in spite of the fear that this might lead to the loss of England to Catholicism. The considered judgment was clear and definite: Rather than countenance the King's divorce from Queen Catherine, or admit bigamy as lawful, the Roman Church was prepared to see the falling away of the King and larger portion of the realm.

In the summer, 1531, Luther was drawn into the controversy raging round the King's marriage, by an agent of King Henry's. Robert Barnes, an English Doctor of Divinity who had apostatised from the Church and was residing at Wittenberg, requested of Luther, probably at the King's instigation, an opinion regarding the lawfulness of his sovereign's divorce.

To Luther it was clear enough that there was no possibility of questioning the validity of Catherine's marriage. It rightly appeared to him impossible that the Papal dispensation, by virtue of which Catherine of Aragon had married the King after having been the spouse of his deceased brother, should be represented as sufficient ground for a divorce. This view he expressed with praiseworthy frankness in the written answer he gave Barnes.

At the same time, however, Luther pointed out to the King a loophole by which he might be able to succeed in obtaining the object of his desire; by this concession, unfortunately, he branded his action as a pandering to the passions of an adulterous King. At the conclusion of his memorandum to Barnes he has the following: "Should the Queen be unable to prevent the divorce, she must accept the great evil and most insulting injustice as a cross, but not in any way acquiesce in it or consent to it. Better were it for her to allow the King to wed another Queen, after the example of the Patriarchs, who, in the ages previous to the law, had many wives; but she must not consent to being excluded from her conjugal rights or to forfeiting the title of Queen of England."

Melanchthon, too, had intervened in the affair, and had gone considerably further than Luther in recommending recourse to bigamy and in answering possible objections to polygamy.

In a memorandum of Aug. 23, Melanchthon declared that the King was entirely justified in seeking to obtain the male heirs with whom Catherine had failed to present him; this was demanded by the interests of the State. He endeavours to show that polygamy is not forbidden by Divine law; in order to avoid scandal it was, however, desirable that the King "should request the Pope to sanction his bigamy, permission being granted readily enough at Rome." Should the Pope refuse to give the dispensation, then the King was simply and of his own authority to have recourse to bigamy, because in that case the Pope was not doing his duty, for he was "bound in charity to grant this dispensation." "Although I should be loath to allow polygamy generally, yet, in the present case, on account of the great advantage to the kingdom and perhaps to the King's conscience, I would say: The King may, with a good conscience , take a second wife while retaining the first, because it is certain that polygamy is not forbidden by the Divine law, nor is it so very unusual." Melanchthon's ruthless manner of proceeding undoubtedly had a great influence on the other Wittenbergers, even though it cannot be maintained, as has been done, that he, and not Luther, was the originator of the whole theory; there are too many clear and definite earlier statements of Luther's in favour of polygamy to disprove this. Still, it is true that the lax opinion broached by Melanchthon in favour of the King of England played a great part later in the matter of the bigamy of the Landgrave of Hesse.

In the same year, however, there appeared a work on matrimony by the Lutheran theologian Johann Brenz in which, speaking generally and without reference to this particular case, he expressed himself very strongly against the lawfulness of polygamy. "The secular authorities," so Brenz insists, "must not allow any of their subjects to have two or more wives," they must, on the contrary, put into motion the "penalties of the Imperial Laws" against polygamy; no pastor may "bless or ratify" such marriages, but is bound to excommunicate the offenders. Strange to say, the work appeared with a Preface by Luther in which, however, he neither praises nor blames this opinion.

The Strasburg theologians, Bucer and Capito, as well as the Constance preacher, Ambrosius Blaurer, also stood up for the lawfulness of bigamy. When, however, this reached the ears of the Swiss theologians, OEcolampadius, in a letter of Aug. 20, exclaimed: "They were inclined to consent to the King's bigamy! But far be it from us to hearken more to Mohammed in this matter than to Christ!"

In spite of the alluring hint thrown out at Wittenberg, the adulterous King, as everyone knows, did not resort to bigamy. It was Henry the Eighth's wish to be rid of his wife, and, having had her removed, he regarded himself as divorced. After the King had repudiated Catherine, Luther told his friends: "The Universities have declared that there must be a divorce. We, however, and the University of Louvain, decided differently.... We advised the Englishman that it would be better for him to take a concubine than to distract his country and nation; yet in the end he put her away."

We may describe briefly the facts of the case.

In these negotiations the Leaguers wanted first of all to reach an agreement with Henry in the matter of religion, whereas the latter insisted that political considerations should have the first place.

In the summer, 1535, Robert Barnes, the English plenipotentiary, was raising great and exaggerated hopes in Luther's breast of Henry's making common cause with the Wittenberg reformers.

In August, 1535, Melanchthon had dedicated one of his writings to the King of England, and had, on this occasion, lavished high praise on him. It was probably about this time that the King sent the presents to Wittenberg, to which Catherine Bora casually alludes in the Table-Talk. "Philip received several gifts from the Englishman, in all five hundred pieces of gold; for our own part we got at least fifty."

In Dec., 1535, a convention of the Schmalkalden Leaguers, at Melanchthon's instance, begged the envoys despatched by Henry, who were on their way to Wittenberg, to induce their master to promote the Confession of Augsburg--unless, indeed, as they added with unusual consideration, "they and the King should be unanimous in thinking that something in the Confession might be improved upon or made more in accordance with the Word of God."

Just as in the advances made by the King to Wittenberg "the main point had been to obtain a favourable pronouncement from the German theologians in the matter of his divorce," so too in consenting to discuss the Confession of Augsburg he was actuated by the thought that this would lead to a discussion on the Papal power and the question of the divorce, i.e. to those points which the King had so much at heart.

Luther, however, became more and more convinced that marriage with a brother's widow was invalid; in 1542, for instance, on the assumption of the invalidity of such a union, he unhesitatingly annulled the marriage of a certain George Schud, as a "devilish abomination" .

The spokesman of the English mission, Bishop Edward Fox, demanded from Luther the admission that the King had separated from his first wife "on very just grounds." Luther, however, would only agree that he had done so "on very many grounds." He said later, in conversation, that his insistence on this verbal nicety had cost him three hundred Gulden, which he would have received from England in the event of his compliance. He cannot indeed be accused of having been, from ecclesiastico-political motives, too hasty in gratifying the King's demands in the matter of the divorce. Yet, on the other hand, it is not unlikely that the desire to pave the way for a practical understanding was one of the motives for his mode of action. His previous outspoken declarations against any dissolution of the Royal marriage compelled him to assume an attitude not too strongly at variance with his earlier opinion.

After the new marriage had taken place negotiations with England continued, principally with the object of securing such acceptance of the new doctrine as might lead to a politico-religious alliance between that country and the Schmalkalden Leaguers. Luther, however, stubbornly refused to concede anything to the King in the matter of his chief doctrines, for instance, regarding Justification or the rejection of the Mass.

The articles agreed upon at the lengthy conferences held during the early months of 1536--and made public only in 1905 --failed to satisfy the King, although they displayed a very conciliatory spirit. Melanchthon outdid himself in his endeavour to render the Wittenberg teaching acceptable. "It is true that the main points of faith were not sacrificed," remarks the discoverer and editor of the articles in question, "but the desire to please noticeable in their form, even in such questions as those concerning the importance of good works, monasteries, etc., is nevertheless surprising." Luther himself, in a letter of April 29, 1536, to the Electoral Vice-Chancellor Burkhard, spoke of the concessions made in these articles as the final limit; to go further would be to concede to the King of England what had been refused to the Pope and the Emperor; "at Augsburg we might have come to terms more easily with the Pope and the Emperor, nay, perhaps we might do so even now." To enter into an ecclesiastico-political alliance with the English would, he considers, be "dangerous," for the Schmalkalden Leaguers "were not all of one mind"; hence the articles ought first to be accepted; the League was, however, a secular matter and therefore he would beg the "beloved Lords and my Gracious Master to consider" whether they could accept it without a previous agreement being reached on the point of theology.

Though Luther and the Princes set great store on the projected alliance, on account of the increase of strength it would have brought the German Evangelicals, yet their hopes were to be shattered, for the articles above referred to did not find acceptance in England. Luther was later on to declare that everything had come to nought because King Henry wished to be head of the Protestants in Germany, which the Elector of Saxony would not permit: "Let the devil take the great Lords! This rogue wanted to be proclaimed head of our religion, but to this the Elector would in no wise agree; we did not even know what sort of belief he had." Probably the King demanded a paramount influence in the Schmalkalden League, and the German Princes were loath to be deprived of the direction of affairs.

The quondam Defender of the Faith even allowed himself to be carried away to acts of bloodshed. In 1540 he caused Luther's friend, Robert Barnes, the agent already referred to, to be burnt at the stake as a heretic. Barnes had adopted the Lutheran doctrine of Justification. It was not on this account alone, however, that he was obnoxious to the King, but also because the latter had grown weary of Anne of Cleves, whom Barnes and Thomas Cromwell, the King's favourite, had given him as a fourth consort, after Anne Boleyn and Jane Seymour. Cromwell, though not favourably disposed to Lutheranism, was executed a few days before. On April 9, 1536, Luther had written to Cromwell a very polite letter, couched in general terms, in answer to a courteous missive from that statesman handed to him by Barnes. From Luther's letter we see that Cromwell "had been described to him in too favourable a light," as though predisposed to the Lutheran doctrine or to regard Luther as a divinely sent teacher. Luther deceived himself if he fancied that Cromwell was ready to "work for the cause"; the latter remained as unfriendly to Lutheranism proper as the King himself.

In the year of Barnes's execution Melanchthon wrote the letter to Veit Dietrich in which he expresses the pious wish, that God would send a brave murderer to bring the King to the end he deserved.

Luther, on his side, declared: "The devil himself rides astride this King"; "I am glad that we have no part in his blasphemy." He boasted, so Luther says, of being head of the Church of England, a title which no bishop, much less a King, had any right to, more particularly one who with his crew had "vexed and tortured Christ and His Church." In 1540 Luther spoke sarcastically of the King's official title: "Under Christ the supreme head on earth of the English Church," remarking, that, in that case, "even the angels are excluded." Of Melanchthon's dedication of some of his books to the King, Luther says, that this had been of little service. "In future I am not going to dedicate any of my books to anyone. It brought Philip no good in the case of the bishop , of the Englishman, or of the Hessian ." Still more fierce became his hatred and disappointment when he found the King consorting with his sworn enemies, Duke George, and Albert, Elector of Mayence. When he heard the news of Barnes having been cast into prison, he said: "This King wants to make himself God. He lays down articles of faith and forbids marriage under pain of death, a thing which even the Pope scrupled to do. I am something of a prophet and, as what I prophesy comes true, I shall refrain from saying more."

Luther never expressed any regret regarding his readiness to humour the King's lusts or regarding his suggestion of bigamy.

The Landgrave Philip of Hesse, however, referred directly to the proposal of bigamy made to the King of England, when he requested Luther's consent to his own project of taking a second wife. The Landgrave had got to hear of the proposal in spite of the unlucky passage having been struck out of the deed.

The history of the Hessian bigamy is an incident which throws a curious light on Luther's exceptional indulgence towards princely patrons of the Evangel in Germany.

As early as 1526 Philip of Hesse, whose conduct was far from being conspicuous for morality, had submitted to Luther the question whether Christians were allowed to have more than one wife. The Wittenberg Professor gave a reply tallying with his principles as already described; instead of pointing out clearly that such a thing was divinely forbidden to all Christians, was not to be dispensed from by any earthly authority, and that such extra marriages would be entirely invalid, Luther refused to admit unconditionally the invalidity of such unions. Such marriages, he stated, gave scandal to Christians, "for without due cause and necessity even the old Patriarchs did not take more than one wife"; it was incumbent that we should be able "to appeal to the Word of God," but no such Word existed in favour of polygamy, "by which the same could be proved to be well pleasing to God in the case of Christians"; "hence I am unable to recommend it, but would rather dissuade from it, especially for Christians, unless some great necessity existed, for instance were the wife to contract leprosy or become otherwise unfit." It is not clear whether Philip was interested in the matter for personal reasons, or simply because some of his subjects were believers in polygamy.

The Hessian Prince also became acquainted with Luther's statements on bigamy in his Commentary on Genesis published in the following year. To them the Landgrave Philip appealed expressly in 1540; the preacher Anton Corvinus having suggested that he should deny having committed bigamy, he replied indignantly: "Since you are so afraid of it, why do you not suppress what Luther wrote more than ten years ago on Genesis; did he and others not write publicly concerning bigamy: 'Advise it I do not, forbid it I cannot'? If you are allowed to write thus of it publicly, you must expect that people will act up to your teaching."

The question became a pressing one for Luther, and began to cast a shadow over his wayward and utterly untraditional interpretation of the Bible, when, in 1539, the Landgrave resolved to take as an additional wife, besides Christina the daughter of George of Saxony, who had now grown distasteful to him, the more youthful Margeret von der Sale. From Luther Margeret's mother desired a favourable pronouncement, in order to be able with a good conscience to give her consent to her daughter's wedding.

Early in Nov., 1539, Gereon Sailer, an Augsburg physician famous for his skill in handling venereal cases, who had treated the Landgrave at Cassel, was sent by Philip to Bucer at Strasburg to instruct the latter to bring the matter before the theologians of Wittenberg. Sailer was a friend of the innovations, and Bucer was highly esteemed by the Landgrave as a theologian and clever diplomatist.

Bucer was at first sorely troubled in conscience and hesitated to undertake the commission; Sailer reported to the Landgrave that, on hearing of the plan, he had been "quite horrified" and had objected "the scandal such an innovation in a matter of so great importance and difficulty might cause among the weak followers of the Evangel." After thinking the matter over for three days Bucer, however, agreed to visit the Landgrave on Nov. 16 and receive his directions. A copy of the secret and elaborate instructions given him by Philip concerning the appeal he was to make to Luther still exists in the handwriting of Simon Bing, the Hessian Secretary, in the Marburg Archives together with several old copies, as also the original rough draft in Philip's own hand. The envoy first betook himself to the meeting of the Schmalkalden Leaguers, held at Arnstadt on Nov. 20, to confer upon a new mission to be sent to England; on Dec. 4 he was at Weimar with the Elector of Saxony and on the 9th he had reached Wittenberg.

The assenting answer given by Luther and Melanchthon bears the date of the following day. It is therefore quite true that the matter was settled "in haste," as indeed the text of the reply states. Bucer doubtless did his utmost to prevent the theologians from having recourse to subterfuge or delay.

The above-mentioned instructions contain a sad account of the "dire necessity" which seemed to justify the second marriage: The Landgrave would otherwise be unable to lead a moral life; he was urged on by deep distress of conscience; not merely did he endure temptations of the flesh beyond all measure, but, so runs his actual confession, he was quite unable to refrain from "fornication, unchastity and adultery." The confession dealt with matters which were notorious. It also contains the admission, that he had not remained true to his wife for long, in fact not for more than "three weeks"; on account of his sense of sin he had "not been to the Sacrament." As a matter of fact he had abstained from Communion from 1526 to 1539, viz. for thirteen years, and until his last attack of the venereal disease.

But were the scruples of conscience thus detailed to the Wittenbergers at all real? Recently they have been characterised as the "outcome of a bodily wreck."

"I am unable to practise self-restraint," Philip of Hesse had declared on another occasion, "I am forced to commit fornication or worse, with women." His sister Elisabeth had already advised him to take a concubine in place of so many prostitutes. In all probability Philip would have abducted Margaret von der Sale had he not hoped to obtain her in marriage through the intervention of her relations and with Luther's consent. A Protestant historian has recently pointed this out when dealing with Philip's alleged "distress of conscience."

Bucer was well able to paint in dismal hues the weakness of his princely client; he pointed out, "how the Landgrave, owing to his wife's deficiencies, was unable to remain chaste; how he had previously lived so and so, which was neither good nor Evangelical, especially in one of the mainstays of the party." In that very year Philip of Hesse had, as a matter of fact, been ailing from a certain malady brought upon him by his excesses; he himself spoke of it as a "severe attack of the French sickness , which is the penalty of an immoral life."

True to his instructions, Bucer went on to say that the Landgrave had firmly "resolved" to make use against his unchastity--which he neither could nor would refrain from with his present wife--of "such means as God permitted and did not forbid," viz. to wed a second wife. The two Wittenbergers had perforce to listen while Bucer, as the mouthpiece of the Landgrave, put forth as the grounds of his client's firm resolve the very proofs from Scripture which they themselves had adduced in favour of polygamy; they were informed that, according to the tenor of a memorandum, "both Luther and Philip had counselled the King of England not to divorce his first wife, but rather to take another." It was accordingly the Landgrave's desire that they should "give testimony" that his deed was not unjust, and that they should "make known in the press and from the pulpit what was the right course to pursue in such circumstances"; should they have scruples about doing this for fear of scandal or evil consequences, they were at least to give a declaration in writing: "That were I to do it secretly, yet I should not offend God, but that they regard it as a real marriage, and would meanwhile devise ways and means whereby the matter might be brought openly before the world"; otherwise, the instructions proceeded, the "wench" whom the Prince was about to take to himself might complain of being looked upon as an improper person; as "nothing can ever be kept secret," "great scandal" would indeed arise were not the true state of the case known. Besides, he fully intended to retain his present wife and to consider her as a rightful spouse, and her children alone were to be the "lawful princes of the land"; nor would he ask for any more wives beyond this second one. The Landgrave even piously reminds Luther and Melanchthon "not to heed overmuch the opinion of the world, and human respect, but to look to God and what He has commanded or forbidden, bound or loosened"; he, for his part, was determined not to "remain any longer in the bonds of the devil."

Philip was careful also to remind them that, if, after putting into execution his project, he was able to "live and die with a good conscience," he would be "all the more free to fight for the Evangelical cause as befitted a Christian"; "whatever they shall tell me is right and Christian--whether it refers to monastic property or to other matters--that they will find me ready to carry out at their behest." On the other hand, as an urgent motive for giving their consent to his plan, he broadly hinted, that, "should he not get any help from them" he would, "by means of an intermediary, seek permission of the Emperor, even though it should cost me a lot of money"; the Emperor would in all likelihood do nothing without a "dispensation from the Pope"; but in such a matter of conscience neither the Pope nor the Emperor were of any great account, since he was convinced that his "design was approved by God"; still, their consent would help to overcome "human respect"; hence, should he be unable to obtain "consolation from this party ," then the sanction of the other party was "not to be despised." Concerning the request he felt impelled to address to the Emperor, he says, in words which seem to convey a threat, that although he would not for any reason on earth prove untrue to the Evangel, or aid in the onslaught on the Evangelical cause, yet, the Imperial party might "use and bind" him to do things "which would not be to the advantage of the cause." Hence, it was in their interest to assist him in order that he might "not be forced to seek help in quarters where he had no wish to look for it."

The Wittenberg theologians now found themselves in a quandary. Luther says: "We were greatly taken aback at such a declaration on account of the frightful scandal which would follow." Apart from other considerations, the Landgrave had already been married sixteen years and had a number of sons and daughters by his wife; the execution of the project would also necessarily lead to difficulties at the Courts of the Duke of Saxony and of the Elector, and also, possibly, at that of the Duke of W?rtemberg. They were unaware that Margaret von Sale had already been chosen as a second wife, that Philip had secured the consent of his wife Christina, and that the way for a settlement with the bride's mother had already been paved.

The view taken by Rockwell, viz. that the form of the memorandum to be signed by Luther and Melanchthon had already been drawn up in Hesse by order of Philip, is, however, erroneous; nor was the document they signed a copy of such a draft.

It is much more likely that the lengthy favourable reply of the Wittenbergers was composed by Melanchthon. It was signed with the formula: "Wittenberg, Wednesday after St. Nicholas, 1539. Your Serene Highness's willing and obedient servants Martinus Luther, Philippus Melanchthon, Martinus Bucerus." The document is now among the Marburg archives.

Characteristically enough the idea that the Landgrave is, and must remain, the protector of the new religious system appears at the commencement as well as at the close of the document. The signatories begin by congratulating the Prince, that God "has again helped him out of sickness," and pray that heaven may preserve him, for the "poor Church of Christ is small and forsaken, and indeed stands in need of pious lords and governors"; at the end God is again implored to guide and direct him; above all, the Landgrave must have nothing to do with the Imperialists.

The rest of the document, apart from pious admonitions, consists of the declaration, that they give their "testimony that, in a case of necessity," they were "unable to condemn" bigamy, and that, accordingly, his "conscience may be at rest" should the Landgrave "utilise" the Divine dispensation. In so many words they sanction the request submitted to them, because "what was permitted concerning matrimony in the Mosaic Law was not prohibited in the Gospel." Concerning the circumstances of the request they, however, declined "to give anything in print," because otherwise the matter would be "understood and accepted as a general law and from it much grave scandal and complaint would arise." The Landgrave's wish that they should speak of the case from the pulpit, is also passed over in silence. Nor did they reply to his invitation to them to consider by what ways and means the matter might be brought publicly before the world. On the contrary, they appear to be intent on burying in discreet silence a marriage so distasteful to them. It even looks as though they were simple enough to think that such concealment would be possible, even in the long run. What they fear is, above all, the consequences of its becoming common property. In no way, so they declare, was any universal law, any "public precedent" possible, whereby a plurality of wives might be made lawful; according to its original institution marriage had signified "the union of two persons only, not of more"; but, in view of the examples of the Old Covenant, they "were unable to condemn it," if, in a quite exceptional case, "recourse were had to a dispensation ... and a man, with the advice of his pastor, took another wife, not with the object of introducing a law, but to satisfy his need."

As for instances of such permission having been given in the Church, they were able to quote only two: First, the purely legendary case of Count Ernest of Gleichen--then still regarded as historical--who, during his captivity among the Turks in 1228, had married his master's daughter, and, then, after his escape, and after having learnt that his wife was still living, applied for and obtained a Papal dispensation for bigamy; secondly, the alleged practice in cases of prolonged and incurable illness, such as leprosy, to permit, occasionally, the man to take another wife. The latter, however, can only refer to Luther's own practice, or to that followed by the teachers of the new faith. In 1526 Luther had informed the Landgrave that this was allowable in case of "dire necessity," "for instance, where the wife was leprous, or had been otherwise rendered unfit." Acting upon this theory he was soon to give a decision in a particular case; in May or June, 1540, he even stated that he had several times, when one of the parties had contracted leprosy, privately sanctioned the bigamy of the healthy party, whether man or woman.

They are at great pains to impress on the Landgrave that he must "take every possible care that this matter be not made public in the world," otherwise the dispensation would be taken as a precedent by others, and also would be made to serve as a "weapon against them and the Evangel." "Hence, seeing how great scandal would be caused, we humbly beg your Serene Highness to take this matter into serious consideration."

They also admonish him "to avoid fornication and adultery"; they had learnt with "great sorrow" that the Landgrave "was burdened with such evil lusts, of which the consequences to be feared were the Divine punishment, illness and other perils"; such conduct, outside of matrimony, was "no small sin"--as they proceed to prove from Scripture; they rejoiced, however, that the Prince felt "pain and remorse" for what he had done. Although monogamy was in accordance with the original institution of marriage, yet it was their duty to tell him that, "seeing that your Serene Highness has informed us that you are not able to refrain from an immoral life, we would rather that your Highness should be in a better state before God, and live with a good conscience for your Highness's own salvation and the good of your land and people. And, as your Serene Highness has determined to take another wife, we consider that this should be kept secret, no less than the dispensation, viz. that your Serene Highness and the lady in question, and a few other trustworthy persons, should be apprised of your Highness's conscience and state of mind in the way of confession."

Yet, once again, they point out that, were the bigamy to become a matter of public knowledge, the opinion would gain ground that polygamy was perfectly lawful to all, and that everyone might follow the precedent; the result would also be that the enemies of the Evangel would cry out that the Evangelicals were not one whit better than the Anabaptists, who were likewise polygamists and, in fact, just the same as the Turks. Further, the great Lords would be the first to give the example to private persons to do likewise. As it was, the Hessian aristocracy was bad enough, and many of its members were strongly opposed to the Evangel on earthly grounds; these would become still more hostile were the bigamy to become publicly known. Lastly, the Prince must bear in mind the injury to his "good name" which the tidings of his act would cause amongst foreign potentates.

A paragraph appended to the memorandum is, according to recent investigation, from Luther's own pen and, at any rate, is quite in his style. It refers to Philip's threat to seek the Emperor's intervention, a step which would not have been at all to the taste of the Wittenbergers, for it was obvious that this would cripple Philip's action as Protector of the Evangelicals. This menace had plainly excited and troubled Luther. He declares in the concluding sentences, that the Emperor before whom the Prince threatened to lay the case, was a man who looked upon adultery as a small sin; there was great reason to fear that he shared the faith of the Pope, Cardinals, Italians, Spaniards and Saracens; he would pay no heed to the Prince's request but only use him as a cat's-paw. They had found him out to be a false and faithless man, who had forgotten the true German spirit. The Emperor, as the Landgrave might see for himself, did not trouble himself about any Christian concerns, left the Turks unopposed and was only interested in fomenting plots in Germany for the increase of the Burgundian power. Hence it was to be hoped that pious German Princes would have nothing to do with his faithless practices.

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